Book: The Fight For The Republic in China

B >> Bertram Lenox Putnam Weale >> The Fight For The Republic in China




This hitch occasioned a delay in the public propaganda, though not for
long. Forced to turn to a man of secondary ability, Yuan Shih-kai now
invoked the services of a scholar who had been known to be his secret
agent in the Old Imperial Senate under the Manchus--a certain Yang
Tu--whose constant appeals in that chamber had indeed been the means of
forcing the Manchus to summon Yuan Shih-kai back to office to their
rescue on the outbreak of the Wuchang rebellion in 1911. After very
little discussion everything was arranged. In the person of this
ex-Senator, whose whole appearance was curiously Machiavellian and
decadent, the neo-imperialists at last found their champion.

Events now moved quickly enough. In the Eastern way, very few weeks
after the Japanese Ultimatum, a society was founded called the Society
for the Preservation of Peace (_Chou An Hui_) and hundreds of
affiliations opened in the provinces. Money was spent like water to
secure adherents, and when the time was deemed ripe the now famous
pamphlet of Yang Tu was published broadcast, being in everybody's hands
during the idle summer month of August. This document is so remarkable
as an illustration of the working of that type of Chinese mind which
has assimilated some portion of the facts of the modern world and yet
remains thoroughly reactionary and illogical, that special attention
must be directed to it. Couched in the form of an argument between two
individuals--one the inquirer, the other the expounder--it has something
of the Old Testament about it both in its blind faith and in its
insistence on a few simple essentials. It embodies everything essential
to an understanding of the old mentality of China which has not yet been
completely destroyed. From a literary standpoint it has also much that
is valuable because it is so naive; and although it is concerned with
such a distant region of the world as China its treatment of modern
political ideas is so bizarre and yet so acute that it will repay study.

It was not, however, for some time, that the significance of this
pamphlet was generally understood. It was such an amazing departure from
old precedents for the Peking Government to lend itself to public
propaganda as a revolutionary weapon that the mind of the people refused
to credit the fatal turn things were taking. But presently when it
became known that the "Society for the Preservation of Peace" was
actually housed in the Imperial City and in daily relations with the
President's Palace; and that furthermore the Procurator-General of
Peking, in response to innumerable memorials of denunciation, having
attempted to proceed against the author and publishers of the pamphlet,
as well as against the Society, had been forced to leave the capital
under threats against his life, the document was accepted at its
face-value. Almost with a gasp of incredulity China at last realized
that Yuan Shih-kai had been seduced to the point of openly attempting to
make himself Emperor. From those August days of 1915 until the 6th June
of the succeeding year, when Fate had her own grim revenge, Peking was
given up to one of the most amazing episodes that has ever been
chronicled in the dramatic history of the capital. It was as if the old
city walls, which had looked down on so much real drama, had determined
to lend themselves to the staging of an unreal comedy. For from first to
last the monarchy movement had something unreal about it, and might have
been the scenario of some vast picture-play. It was acting pure and
simple--acting done in the hope that the people might find it so
admirable that they would acclaim it as real, and call the Dictator
their King. But it is time to turn to the arguments of Yang Tu and allow
a Chinese to picture the state of his country:

A DEFENCE OF THE MONARCHICAL MOVEMENT

PART I

Mr. Ko (or "the stranger"): Since the establishment of the Republic
four years have passed, and upon the President depends the
preservation of order at home and the maintenance of prestige
abroad. I suppose that after improving her internal administration
for ten or twenty years, China will become a rich and prosperous
country, and will be able to stand in the front rank with western
nations.

Mr. Hu: No! No! If China does not make any change in the form of
government there is no hope for her becoming strong and rich; there
is even no hope for her having a constitutional government. I say
that China is doomed to perish.

Mr. Ko: Why so?

Mr. Hu: The republican form of government is responsible. The
Chinese people are fond of good names, but they do not care much
about the real welfare of the nation. No plan to save the country is
possible. The formation of the Republic as a result of the first
revolution has prevented that.

Mr. Ko: Why is it that there is no hope of China's becoming strong?

Mr. Hu: The people of a republic are accustomed to listen to the
talk of equality and freedom which must affect the political and
more especially the military administration. In normal circumstances
both the military and student classes are required to lay great
emphasis upon unquestioned obedience and respect for those who hold
high titles. The German and Japanese troops observe strict
discipline and obey the orders of their chiefs. That is why they are
regarded as the best soldiers in the world. France and America are
in a different position. They are rich but not strong. The sole
difference is that Germany and Japan are ruled by monarchs while
France and America are republics. Our conclusion therefore is that
no republic can be strong.

But since the French and American peoples possess general education
they are in a position to assume responsibility for the good
government of their nations which they keep in good order. On that
account, although these republics are not strong in dealing with the
Powers, they can maintain peace at home. China, however, is unlike
these countries, for her standard of popular education is very low.
Most of the Chinese soldiers declare as a commonplace: "We eat the
imperial food and we must therefore serve the imperial master." But
now the Imperial family is gone, and for it has been substituted an
impersonal republic, of which they know nothing whatsoever. These
soldiers are now law-abiding because they have awe-inspiring and
respectful feelings for the man at the head of the state. But as the
talk of equality and freedom has gradually influenced them, it has
become a more difficult task to control them. As an example of this
corrupt spirit, the commanders of the Southern troops formerly had
to obey their subordinate officers and the subordinate officers had
to obey their soldiers. Whenever there was an important question to
be discussed, the soldiers demanded a voice and a share in the
solution. These soldiers were called the republican army. Although
the Northern troops have not yet become so degenerate, still they
never hesitate to disobey the order of their superiors whenever they
are ordered to proceed to distant localities. Now we have come to
the point when we are deeply satisfied if the army of the Republic
does not openly mutiny! We cannot expect any more from them save to
hope that they will not mutiny and that they will be able to
suppress internal disturbances. In the circumstances there is no use
talking about resistance of a foreign invasion by these soldiers. As
China, a republic, is situated between two countries, Japan and
Russia, both of which have monarchical governments, how can we
resist their aggression once diplomatic conversations begin? From
this it is quite evident that there is nothing which can save China
from destruction. Therefore I say there is no hope of China becoming
strong.

Mr. Ko: But why is it that there is no hope of China ever becoming
rich?

Mr. Hu: People may not believe that while France and America are
rich China must remain poor. Nevertheless, the reason why France and
America are rich is that they were allowed to work out their own
salvation without foreign intervention for many years, and that at
the same time they were free from internal disturbances. If any
nation wishes to become rich, it must depend upon industries for its
wealth. Now, what industries most fear is disorder and civil war.
During the last two years order has been restored and many things
have returned to their former state, but our industrial condition is
the same as under the Manchu Dynasty. Merchants who lost their
capital during the troublous times and who are now poor have no way
of retrieving their losses, while those who are rich are unwilling
to invest their money in industrial undertakings, fearing that
another civil war may break out at any moment, since they take the
recent abortive second revolution as their warning. In future, we
shall have disquietude every few years; that is whenever the
president is changed. Then our industrial and commercial condition
will be in a still worse condition. If our industries are not
developed, how can we expect to be strong? Take Mexico as a warning.
There is very little difference between that country and China,
which certainly cannot be compared with France and America.
Therefore I say there is no hope for China ever becoming rich.

Mr. Ko: Why is it that you say there is no hope for China having a
Constitutional Government?

Mr. Hu: A true republic must be conducted by many people possessing
general education, political experience and a certain political
morality. Its president is invested with power by the people to
manage the general affairs of the state. Should the people desire to
elect Mr. A their president to-day and Mr. B to-morrow, it does not
make much difference; for the policy of the country may be changed
together with the change of the president without there being any
danger of disorder or chaos following such change. We have a very
different problem to solve in China. The majority of our people do
not know what the republic is, nor do they know anything about a
Constitution nor have they any true sense of equality and freedom.
Having overthrown the Empire and established in its place a republic
they believe that from now on they are subservient to no one, and
they think they can do as they please. Ambitious men hold that any
person may be president, and if they cannot get the presidency by
fair means of election they are prepared to fight for it with the
assistance of troops and robbers. The second revolution is an
illustration of this point. From the moment that the Emperor was
deposed, the centralization of power in the government was
destroyed; and no matter who may be at the head of the country, he
cannot restore peace except by the re-establishment of the monarchy.
So at the time when the republic was formed, those who had
previously advocated Constitutional Government turned into
monarchists. Although we have a Provisional Constitution now and we
have all kinds of legislative organs, which give to the country an
appearance of a constitutional government, China has a
constitutional government in name only and is a monarchy in spirit.
Had the government refrained from exercising monarchical power
during the last four years, the people could not have enjoyed one
day of peace. In short, China's republic must be governed by a
monarchy through a constitutional government. If the constitutional
government cannot govern the republic, the latter cannot remain. The
question of constitutional government is therefore very important,
but it will take ten or twenty years before it can be solved.

Look at the people of China to-day! They know that something
terrible is going to come sooner or later. They dare not think of
the future. The corrupt official lines his pocket with unrighteous
money, preparing to flee to foreign countries or at least to the
Foreign Settlements for safety. The cautious work quietly and do not
desire to earn merit but merely try to avoid giving offence. The
scholars and politicians are grandiloquent and discourse upon their
subjects in a sublime vein, but they are no better than the corrupt
officials. As for our President, he can remain at the head of the
State for a few years. At most he may hold office for several
terms,--or perhaps for his whole life. Then questions must arise as
to who shall succeed him; how to elect his successor; how many
rivals will there be; whether their policies will be different from
his, etc., etc. He personally has no idea regarding the solution of
these questions. Even if the president is a sagacious and capable
man he will not be able to make a policy for the country or fix a
Constitution which will last for a hundred years. Because of this he
is driven merely to adopt a policy so as to maintain peace in his
own country and to keep the nation intact so long as he may live. In
the circumstances such a president can be considered the best
executive head we can have. Those who are worshippers of the
constitutional government cannot do more than he does. Here we find
the reason for the silence of the former advocates of a
constitutional administration. They have realized that by the
formation of the republic the fundamental problem of the country has
been left unsolved. In this wise it happens that the situation is
something like this. Whilst the country is governed by an able
president, the people enjoy peace and prosperity. But once an
incapable man assumes the presidency, chaos will become the order of
the day, a state of affairs which will finally lead to the overthrow
of the president himself and the destruction of the country. In such
circumstances, how can you devise a general policy for the country
which will last for a hundred years? I say that there is no hope for
China establishing a truly constitutional government.

Mr. Ko: In your opinion there is no hope for China becoming strong
and rich or for her acquiring a constitutional government. She has
no choice save ultimately to disappear. And yet is there no plan
possible whereby she may be saved?

Mr. Hu: If China wishes to save herself from ultimate disappearance
from the face of the earth, first of all she must get rid of the
republic. Should she desire wealth and strength, she must adopt a
constitutional government. Should she want constitutional government
she must first establish a monarchy.

Mr. Ko: How is it that should China desire wealth and strength she
must first adopt the constitutional form of government?

Mr. Hu: Wealth and strength is the object of the country, and a
constitutional government is the means to realizing this object. In
the past able rulers could accomplish their purpose without a
constitutional government. We refer to Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty
and Emperor Tai Chung of the Tang Dynasty. However, when these able
rulers died their system of administration died with them. This
contention can be supported by numerous historical instances; but
suffice to say that in China as well as in Europe, the lack of a
constitutional government has been the cause of the weakness of most
of the nations in ancient times. Japan was never known as a strong
nation until she adopted a constitutional government. The reason is
this: when there is no constitutional government, the country cannot
continue to carry out a definite policy.

Within comparatively recent times there was born in Europe the
constitutional form of government. European nations adopted it, and
they became strong. The most dangerous fate that can confront a
nation is that after the death of an able ruler the system of
administration he has established disappears with him; but this the
constitutional form of government is able to avert. Take for
instance William I. of Germany who is dead but whose country
continues to this day strong and prosperous. It is because of
constitutional government. The same is true of Japan, which has
adopted constitutional government and which is becoming stronger and
stronger every day. The change of her executive cannot affect her
progress in respect of her strength. From this it is quite clear
that constitutional government is a useful instrument for building
up a country. It is a government with a set of fixed laws which
guard the actions of both the people and the president none of whom
can overstep the boundary as specified in the laws. No ruler,
whether be he a good man or a bad man, can change one iota of the
laws. The people reap the benefit of this in consequence. It is easy
to make a country strong and rich but it is difficult to establish a
constitutional government. When a constitutional government has been
established, everything will take care of itself, prosperity
following naturally enough. The adoption of a constitutional
government at the present moment can be compared to the problem of a
derailed train. It is hard to put the train back on the track, but
once on the track it is very easy to move the train. What we should
worry about is not how to make the country rich and prosperous, but
how to form a genuine constitutional government. Therefore I say
that if China desires to be strong and prosperous, she should first
of all adopt the constitutional form of government.

Mr. Ko: I do not understand why it is that a monarchy should be
established before the constitutional form of government can be
formed?

Mr. Hu: Because if the present system continues there will be
intermittent trouble. At every change of the president there will be
riot and civil war. In order to avert the possibility of such awful
times place the president in a position which is permanent. It
follows that the best thing is to make him Emperor. When that bone
of contention is removed, the people will settle down to business
and feel peace in their hearts, and devote their whole energy and
time to the pursuit of their vocations. It is logical to assume that
after the adoption of the monarchy they will concentrate their
attention on securing a constitutional government which they know is
the only salvation for their country. As for the Emperor, knowing
that he derives his position from the change from a republic, and
filled with the desire of pacifying the people, he cannot help
sanctioning the formation of the constitutional form of government
which in addition, will insure to his offspring the continuation of
the Throne. Should he adopt any other course, he will be exposed to
great personal danger. If he is broadminded, he will further
recognize the fact that if no constitutional form of government is
introduced, his policy will perish after his death. Therefore I say
that before the adoption of the constitutional form of government, a
monarchy should be established. William I. of Germany and the
Emperor Meiji of Japan both tried the constitutional form of
government and found it a success.

Mr. Ko: Please summarize your discussion.

Mr. Hu: In short, the country cannot be saved except through the
establishment of a constitutional form of government. No
constitutional government can be formed except through the
establishment of a monarchy. The constitutional form of government
has a set of fixed laws, and the monarchy has a definite head who
cannot be changed, in which matters lies the source of national
strength and wealth.

Mr. Ko: What you have said in regard to the adoption of the
constitutional monarchy as a means of saving the country from
dismemberment is quite true, but I would like to have your opinion
on the relative advantages and disadvantages of a republic and a
monarchy, assuming that China adopts the scheme of a monarchy.

Mr. Hu: I am only too glad to give you my humble opinion on this
momentous question.

Mr. Ko: You have said that China would be devastated by contending
armies of rival leaders trying to capture the presidency. At what
precise moment will that occur?

Mr. Hu: The four hundred million people of China now rely upon the
President alone for the protection of their lives and property. Upon
him likewise falls the burden of preserving both peace and the
balance of power in the Far East. There is no time in the history of
China that the Head of the State has had to assume such a heavy
responsibility for the protection of life and property and for the
preservation of peace in Asia; and at no time in our history has the
country been in greater danger than at the present moment. China can
enjoy peace so long as His Excellency Yuan Shih-kai remains the
President, and no longer. Should anything befall the President,
every business activity will at once be suspended, shops will be
closed, disquietude will prevail, people will become panic-stricken,
the troops uncontrollable, and foreign warships will enter our
harbours. European and American newspapers will be full of special
dispatches about the complicated events in China, and martial law
will be declared in every part of the country. All this will be due
to the uncertainty regarding the succession to the presidency.

It will be seen from the first section of this long and extraordinary
pamphlet how the author develops his argument. One of his major premises
is the inherent unruliness of Republican soldiery,--the armies of
republics not to be compared with the armed forces of monarchies,--and
consequently constituting a perpetual menace to good government. Passing
on from this, he lays down the proposition that China cannot hope to
become rich so long as the fear of civil war is ever-present; and that
without a proper universal education a republic is an impossibility. The
exercise of monarchical power in such circumstances can only be called
an inevitable development,--the one goal to be aimed at being the
substitution of Constitutional Government for the dictatorial rule. The
author deals at great length with the background to this idea, playing
on popular fears to reinforce his casuistry. For although constitutional
government is insisted upon as the sole solution, he speedily shows that
this constitutionalism will depend more on the benevolence of the
dictator than on the action of the people. And should his advice be not
heeded, when Fortune wills that Yuan Shih-kai's rule shall end, chaos
will ensue owing to the "uncertainty" regarding the succession.

Here the discussion reaches its climax--for the demand that salvation be
sought by enthroning Yuan Shih-kai now becomes clear and unmistakable.
Let the author speak for himself.

Mr. Ko: But it is provided in the Constitutional Compact that a
president must be selected from among the three candidates whose
names are now kept in a golden box locked in a stone room. Do you
think this provision is not sufficient to avert the terrible times
which you have just described?

Mr. Hu: The provision you have mentioned is useless. Can you find
any person who is able to be at the head of the state besides His
Excellency Yuan Shih-kai? The man who can succeed President Yuan
must enjoy the implicit confidence of the people and must have
extended his influence all over the country and be known both at
home and abroad. He must be able to maintain order, and then no
matter what the constitution provides, he will be unanimously
elected President. He must also be able to assure himself that the
two other candidates for the presidency have no hope for success in
the presidential campaign. The provision in the constitution, as
well as the golden casket in which the names of the three candidates
are kept which you have mentioned, are nothing but nominal measures.
Moreover there is no man in China who answers the description of a
suitable, successor which I have just given. Here arises a difficult
problem; and what has been specified in the Constitutional Compact
is a vain attempt to solve it. It is pertinent to ask why the
law-makers should not have made the law in such a way that the
people could exercise their free choice in the matter of the
presidential successor? The answer is that there is reason to fear
that a bad man may be elected president by manipulations carried out
with a masterly hand, thereby jeopardizing the national welfare.
This fear has influenced the constitution-makers to settle upon
three candidates from among whom the president must be elected. Then
it may be asked why not fix upon one man instead of upon three since
you have already deprived the people of part of their freedom? The
answer is that: there is not a single man whose qualifications are
high enough to be the successor. As it is, three candidates of equal
qualifications are put forward for the people to their selection. No
matter how one may argue this important question from the legal
point of view, there is the fact that the law makers fixed upon
three candidates for the presidency, believing that we do not
possess a suitable presidential successor. The vital question of the
day setting aside all paper talk, is whether or not China has a
suitable man to succeed President Yuan Shih-kai. Whether or not the
constitutional compact can be actually carried out in future I do
not know; but I do know that that instrument will eventually become
ineffective.

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