Book: The Fight For The Republic in China

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The explanation of this extraordinary business was only made public
months later with the outbreak of the Yunnan rebellion and the secession
of the Southern provinces. In a remarkable publication, entitled
satirically "The People's Will," the Southern Republican Party, which
now possessed access to all the confidential archives of the provinces,
published in full the secret instructions from Peking which had brought
about this elaborate comedy. Though considerations of space prevent all
documents being included in our analysis, the salient ones are here
textually quoted so as to exhibit in its proper historical light the
character of the chief actor, and the _regime_ the Powers had
supported--until they were forced by Japan to be more honest. These
documents, consisting mainly of telegraphic dispatches sent from Peking
to the provinces, do more to explain the working of the Government of
China than a dozen treatises; for they drag into the garish light of day
the most secret Yamen machinery and show precisely how it is worked.

The play was set in motion by a circular code telegram sent out on the
30th August by Tuan Chih-kuei, Governor of Moukden and one of Yuan
Shih-kai's most trusted lieutenants, the device of utilizing a centre
other than the capital to propagate revolutionary ideas being a
familiar one and looked upon as a very discreet procedure. This initial
telegram is a document that speaks for itself:

CODE TELEGRAM DATED AUGUST 30, 1915, FROM TUAN CHI-KUEI, MILITARY
GOVERNOR OF MOUKDEN, ET ALIA, CONTAINING INSTRUCTIONS FOR PRESENTING
PETITIONS TO PEKING IN THE NAME OF THE CITIZENS OF THE PROVINCES

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--

(To be deciphered personally with the Council of State Code)

The proposal of changing the form of the State into a monarchy
having been unanimously agreed to by the provinces, the first step
to be taken has now to be decided. We propose that petitions be sent
in the name of the citizens of the respective provinces to the
Senate acting in the capacity of Legislative Chamber, so as to
demonstrate the wish of the people to have a monarchy. The acting
Legislative Chamber will then decide upon the course to be adopted.

The plan suggested is for each province to send in a separate
petition, the draft of which will be made in Peking and wired to the
respective provinces in due course. If you approve, you will insert
your name as well as those of the gentry and merchants of the
province who agree to the draft. These petitions are to be presented
one by one to the Legislative Chamber, as soon as it is convoked. At
all events, the change in the form of the State will have to be
effected under the colour of carrying out the people's will.

As leading members of political and military bodies, we should wait
till the opportune moment arrives when we will give collateral
support to the movement. Details of the plan will be made known to
you from time to time.

This method of circular telegrams, which had been inherited from the
last days of the Manchus, and vastly extended during the
_post_-revolutionary period, was now to be used to the very utmost in
indoctrinating the provinces with the idea that not only was the
Republic doomed but that prompt steps must be taken to erect the
Constitutional Monarchy by use of fictitious legal machinery so that it
should not be said that the whole enterprise was a mere plot.
Accordingly, on the 10th September, as a sequel to the telegram we have
just quoted, an enormous circular message of several thousand words was
sent in code from Peking to all the Military and Civil Governors in the
provinces instructing them precisely how to act in order to throw a
cloak over the nefarious deed. After explaining the so-called "Law on
the General Convention of the Citizens' Representatives" (_i.e._
national referendum) the following illuminating sentences occur which
require no comment showing as they do what apt pupils reactionary
Chinese are in the matter of ballot-fraud.

... (1) The fact that no fewer than one hundred petitions for a
change in the form of State have been received from people residing
in all parts of the country shows that the people are of one mind
concerning this matter. Hence the words in the "General Convention
Law": "to be decided by the General Convention of the Citizens'
Representatives," refer to nothing more than the formal approval of
the Convention and are by no means intended to give room for
discussion of any kind. Indeed, it was never intended that the
citizens should have any choice between a republic and a monarchy.
For this reason at the time of voting all the representatives must
be made unanimously to advocate a change of the Republic into a
Monarchy.

It behooves you, therefore, prior to the election and voting,
privately to search for such persons as are willing to express the
people's will in the sense above indicated. You will also make the
necessary arrangements beforehand, and devise every means to have
such persons elected, so that there may be no divergence of opinion
when the time arrives for putting the form of the State to the vote.

(2) Article 2 provides: "The citizens' representatives shall be
elected by separate ballot signed by the person voting. The person
who obtains the greatest number of votes cast shall be declared
elected."

The citizens' representatives, though nominally elected by the
electors, are really appointed beforehand by you acting in the
capacity of Superintendent of Election. The principle of separate
signed ballot is adopted in this article with the object of
preventing the voters from casting their votes otherwise than as
directed, and of awakening in them a sense of responsibility for
their votes....

These admirable principles having been officially laid down by Peking,
it is not hard to understand that the Military and Civil Governors in
the provinces, being anxious to retain their posts and conciliate the
great personage who would be king, gave the problem their most earnest
attention, and left no stone unturned to secure that there should be no
awkward contretemps. On the 28th September, the Peking Government, being
now entirely surrendered into the hands of the plotters, thought it
advisable to give the common people a direct hint of what was coming, by
sending circular instructions regarding the non-observance of the
Republican anniversary (10th October). The message in question is so
frankly ingenuous that it merits inclusion in this singular _dossier_:

CODE TELEGRAM DATED SEPTEMBER 26, 1915, FROM THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO
THE MILITARY AND CIVIL GOVERNORS OF THE PROVINCES RESPECTING THE
NON-OBSERVANCE OF THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE REPUBLIC

To the Military and Civil Governors and the Military Commissioners
of the Provinces and the Intendant of Shanghai:--

(Code Telegram)

Now that a monarchical form of government has been advocated, the
National Anniversary in commemoration of the Republic should, of
course, be observed with least possible display, under the pretext
either of the necessity for economy owing to the impoverished
condition of the people, or of the advisability of celebrating the
occasion quietly so as to prevent disturbances arising in
consequence of the many rumours now afloat. In this way public peace
and order may be maintained on the one hand, money and trouble saved
on the other. How to put this suggestion into practice will be left
to your discretion.

(Signed) COUNCIL OF STATE.

By October such progress had been made in Peking in the general work of
organizing this _coup d'etat_ that, as we have seen, the Senate had
passed on the 6th of that month the so-called "King-making Bill." The
very next day, so that nothing should be left in doubt, the following
circular telegram was dispatched to all the provinces:

CODE TELEGRAM DATED OCTOBER 7, 1915, FROM CHU CHI-CHUN, MINISTER OF
THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, DEVISING PLANS FOR NOMINATING YUAN SHIH-KAI
AS EMPEROR

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--

(To be deciphered with the Hua Code)

Our telegram of the 12th ult. must have reached you by this time.

The Administrative Council, at a meeting held on the 4th inst.,
passed the Bill for a General Convention of the Citizens'
Representatives. Article 12 of the Bill was amended so as to contain
the following clause:--"The Superintendent of Election may, in case
of necessity, delegate his functions to the several district
magistrates." This will soon be communicated officially to the
provinces. You are therefore requested to make the necessary
preparations beforehand in accordance with the instructions
contained in our telegram of the 29th September.

We propose that the following steps be taken after the votes have
been duly polled:--

(1) After the form of the state has been put to the vote, the
result should be reported to the sovereign (meaning Yuan Shih-kai)
and to the Administrative Council in the name of the General
Convention of the Citizens' Representatives.

(2) In the telegrams to be sent by the General Convention of the
Citizens' Representatives for nominating the emperor, the following
words should be specifically used: "We respectfully nominate the
present President Yuan Shih-kai as Emperor of the Chinese Empire."

(3) The telegrams investing the Administrative Council with general
powers to act on behalf of the General Convention of the Citizens'
Representatives should be dispatched in the name of the General
Convention of the Citizens of the Provinces.

The drafts of the dispatches under the above-mentioned three heads
will be wired to you beforehand. As soon as the votes are cast,
these are to be shown to the representatives, who will sign them
after perusal. Peking should be immediately informed by telegram.

As for the telegrams to be sent by the commercial, military, and
political bodies, they should bear as many signatures as possible,
and be wired to the Central Government within three days after the
voting.

When the enthronement is promulgated by edict, letters of
congratulation from the General Convention of the Citizens'
Representatives, as well as from the commercial, military, and
political bodies, will also have to be sent in. You are therefore
requested to draw up these letters in advance.

This is specially wired for your information beforehand. The details
will be communicated by letter.

In ordinary circumstances it would have been thought that sufficiently
implicit instructions had already been given to permit leaving the
matter in the hands of the provincial authorities. Great anxiety,
however, was beginning to reign in Peking owing to continual rumours
that dangerous opposition, both internal and external, was developing.
It was therefore held necessary to clinch the matter in such a way that
no possible questions should be raised later. Accordingly, before the
end of October--and only two days before the "advice" was tendered by
Japan and her Allies,--the following additional instructions were
telegraphed wholesale to the provinces, being purposely designed to make
it absolutely impossible for any slip to occur between cup and lip. The
careful student will not fail to notice in these remarkable messages
that as the game develops, all disguise is thrown to the four winds, and
the central and only important point, namely the prompt election and
enthronement of Yuan Shih-kai as Emperor, insisted on with almost
indecent directness, every possible precaution being taken to secure
that end:

CODE TELEGRAM DATED OCTOBER 26, 1915, FROM CHU CHI-CHUN, MINISTER OF
THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, RESPECTING THE NOMINATION OF YUAN SHIH-KAI AS
EMPEROR

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--

(To be deciphered with the Hua Code)

Your telegram of the 24th inst. came duly to hand.

After the form of the state has been put to the vote, the nomination
of Yuan Shih-kai as emperor should be made forthwith without further
voting. You should address the representatives and tell them that a
monarchy having been decided on, not even a single day should pass
without an emperor; that the citizens' representatives present
should nominate Yuan Shih-kai as the Great Emperor of the Chinese
Empire; and that if they are in favour of the proposal, they should
signify their assent by standing up. This done, the text of the
proposed letter of nomination from the citizens should be handed to
the representatives for their signatures; after which you should
again address them to the effect that in all matters concerning the
nomination and the petition for immediate enthronement, they may, in
the name of the citizens' representatives, invest the acting
Legislative Council with general powers to act on their behalf and
to do the necessary things until their petition is granted. The text
(already prepared) of the proposed telegram from the citizens'
representatives to the acting Legislative Council should then be
shown to the representatives for approval. Whereupon three separate
telegrams are to be drawn up: one giving the number of votes in
favour of a change in the form of the state, one containing the
original text of the letter of nomination, and the third concerning
the vesting of the acting Legislative Council with general powers to
act on behalf of the citizens' representatives. These should be sent
officially to the acting Legislative Council in the name of the
citizens' representatives. You should at the same time wire to the
President all that has taken place. The votes and the letter of
nomination are to be forwarded to Peking in due course.

As for the exact words to be inserted in the letter of nomination,
they have been communicated to you in our telegram of the 23rd inst.
These characters, forty-five in all, must on no account be altered.
The rest of the text is left to your discretion.

We may add that since the letter of nomination and the vesting of
the acting Legislative Council with general powers to act on behalf
of the citizens' representatives are matters which transgress the
bounds of the law, you are earnestly requested not to send to the
National Convention Bureau any telegraphic enquiry concerning them,
so that the latter may not find itself in the awkward position of
having to reply.

Two days after this telegram had been dispatched the longfeared action
on the part of Japan had been taken and a new situation had been
created. The Japanese "advice" of the 28th October was in fact a
veritable bombshell playing havoc with the house of cards which had been
so carefully erected. But the intrigue had gone so far, and the prizes
to be won by the monarchical supporters were so great that nothing could
induce them to retrace their footsteps. For a week and more a desperate
struggle went on behind the scenes in the Presidential Palace, since
Yuan Shih-kai was too astute a man not to understand that a most
perilous situation was being rapidly created and that if things went
wrong he would be the chief victim. But family influences and the voice
of the intriguers proved too strong for him, and in the end he gave his
reluctant consent to a further step. The monarchists, boldly acting on
the principle that possession is nine points of the law, called upon the
provinces to anticipate the vote and to substitute the title of Emperor
for that of President in all government documents and petitions so that
morally the question would be _chose jugee_.

CODE TELEGRAM DATED NOVEMBER 7, 1915, FROM CHU CHI-CHUN, MINISTER OF
THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, ENJOINING A STRONG ATTITUDE TOWARDS
INTERFERENCE ON THE PART OF A CERTAIN FOREIGN POWER

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--

(To be deciphered personally with the Council of State Code)

A certain foreign power, under the pretext that the Chinese people
are not of one mind and that troubles are to be apprehended, has
lately forced England and Russia to take part in tendering advice to
China. In truth, all foreign nations know perfectly well that there
will be no trouble, and they are obliged to follow the example of
that power. If we accept the advice of other Powers concerning our
domestic affairs and postpone the enthronement, we should be
recognizing their right to interfere. Hence action should under no
circumstance be deferred. When all the votes of the provinces
unanimously recommending the enthronement shall have reached Peking,
the Government will, of course, ostensibly assume a wavering and
compromising attitude, so as to give due regard to international
relations. The people, on the other hand, should show their firm
determination to proceed with the matter at all costs, so as to let
the foreign powers know that our people are of one mind. If we can
only make them believe that the change of the republic into a
monarchy will not in the least give rise to trouble of any kind, the
effects of the advice tendered by Japan will _ipso facto_ come to
nought.

At present the whole nation is determined to nominate Yuan Shih-kai
Emperor. All civil and military officers, being the natural leaders
of the people, should accordingly give effect to the nomination. If
this can be done without friction, the confidence of both Chinese
and foreigners in the Government will be greatly strengthened. This
is why we suggested to you in a previous telegram the necessity of
immediately substituting the title of "Emperor" for "President." We
trust you will concur in our suggestion and carry it out without
delay.

We may add that this matter should be treated as strictly
confidential.

A reply is requested.

(Signed)

The die now being cast all that was left to be done was to rush through
the voting in the Provinces. Obsequious officials returned to the use of
the old Imperial phraseology and Yuan Shih-kai, even before his
"election," was memorialized as though he were the legitimate successor
of the immense line of Chinese sovereigns who stretch back to the
mythical days of Yao and Shun (2800 B.C.). The beginning of December saw
the voting completed and the results telegraphed to Peking; and on the
11th December, the Senate hastily meeting, and finding that "the
National Convention of Citizens" had unanimously elected Yuan Shih-kai
Emperor, formally offered him the Throne in a humble petition. Yuan
Shih-kai modestly refused: a second petition was promptly handed to him,
which he was pleased to accept in the following historic document:

YUAN SHIH-KAI'S ACCEPTANCE OF THE IMPERIAL THRONE

The prosperity and decline of the country is a part of the
responsibility of every individual, and my love for the country is
certainly not less than that of others. But the task imposed on me
by the designation of the millions of people is of extraordinary
magnitude. It is therefore impossible for one without merit and
without virtue like myself to shoulder the burdens of State involved
in the enhancing of the welfare of the people, the strengthening of
the standing of the country, the reformation of the administration
and the advancement of civilization. My former declaration was,
therefore, the expression of a sincere heart and not a mere
expression of modesty. My fear was such that I could not but utter
the words which I have expressed. The people, however, have viewed
with increasing impatience that declaration and their expectation of
me is now more pressing than ever. Thus I find myself unable to
offer further argument just as I am unable to escape the position.
The laying of a great foundation is, however, a thing of paramount
importance and it must not be done in a hurry. I, therefore, order
that the different Ministries and Bureaux take concerted action in
making the necessary preparations in the affairs in which they are
concerned; and when that is done, let the same be reported to me
for promulgation. Meanwhile all our citizens should go on peacefully
in their daily vocations with the view to obtain mutual benefit. Let
not your doubts and suspicions hinder you in your work. All the
officials should on their part be faithful at their posts and
maintain to the best of their ability peace and order in their
localities, so that the ambition of the Great President to work for
the welfare of the people may thus be realized. Besides forwarding
the memorial of the principal representatives of the Convention of
the Representatives of Citizens and that of the provinces and
special administrative area to the Cheng Shih Tang and publishing
the same by a mandate, I have the honour to notify the acting Li Fan
Yuan as the principal representatives of the Convention of the
Representatives of Citizens, to this effect.

Cautious to the end, it will be seen that Yuan Shih-kai's very
acceptance is so worded as to convey the idea that he is being forced to
a course of action which is against his better instincts. There is no
word of what came to be called the Grand Ceremony, _i.e._ the
enthronement. That matter is carefully left in abeyance and the
government departments simply told to make the necessary preparations.
The attitude of Peking officialdom is well-illustrated in a circular
telegram dispatched to the provinces three days later, the analysis of
Japan's relationship to the Entente Powers being particularly revealing.
The obsequious note which pervades this document is also particularly
noticeable and shows how deeply the canker of sycophancy had now eaten
in.

CODE TELEGRAM DATED DECEMBER 14, 1915, FROM THE OFFICE OF
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE LAND AND NAVAL FORCES, RESPECTING CHINA'S
ATTITUDE TOWARDS FOREIGN NATIONS

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--

(To be deciphered with the Hua Code)

On the 11th inst. the acting Legislature Council submitted a
memorial to the Emperor, reporting on the number of votes cast by
the people in favour of a monarchy and the letters of nomination of
Yuan Shih-kai as Emperor received from all parts of the country, and
begged that he would ascend the Throne at an early date. His Majesty
was, however, so modest as to decline. The Council presented a
second memorial couched in the most entreating terms, and received
an order to the effect that all the ministries and departments were
to make the necessary preparations for the enthronement. The details
of this decision appeared in the Presidential Orders of the past few
days, so need not be repeated now.

The people are unanimously of the opinion that in a republic the
foundation of the state is very apt to be shaken and the policy of
the government to be changed; and that consequently there is no
possibility of enjoying everlasting peace and prosperity, nor any
hope for the nation to become powerful. Now that the form of the
state has been decided in favour of a monarchy and the person who is
to sit on the Throne agreed upon, the country is placed on a secure
basis, and the way to national prosperity and strength is thus
paved.

Being the trustworthy ministers and, as it were, the hands and feet
of His Majesty, we are united to him by more ties than one. On this
account we should with one mind exert our utmost efforts in
discharging our duty of loyalty to the country. This should be the
spirit which guides us in our action at the beginning of the new
dynasty. As for the enthronement, it is purely a matter of ceremony.
Whether it takes place earlier or later is of no moment. Moreover
His Majesty has always been modest, and does everything with
circumspection. We should all appreciate his attitude.

So far as our external relations are concerned, a thorough
understanding must be come to with the foreign nations, so that
recognition of the new regime may not be delayed and diplomatic
intercourse interrupted. Japan, has, in conjunction with the Entente
Powers, tendered advice to postpone the change of the Republic into
an empire. As a divergence of opinion exists between Japan and the
Entente Powers, the advice is of no great effect. Besides, the
Elders and the Military Party in Japan are all opposed to the action
taken by their Government. Only the press in Tokio has spread all
sorts of threatening rumours. This is obviously the upshot of
ingenious plots on the part of irresponsible persons. If we postpone
the change we shall be subject to foreign interference, and the
country will consequently cease to exist as an independent state. On
the other hand, if we proclaim the enthronement forthwith, we shall
then be flatly rejecting the advice,--an act which, we apprehend,
will not be tolerated by Japan. As a result, she will place
obstacles in the way of recognition of the new order of things.

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