Book: The Fight For The Republic in China

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Since a monarchy has been decided to be the future form of the
state, and His Majesty has consented to accept the Throne, the
change may be said to be an accomplished fact. There is no question
about it. All persons of whatever walk of life can henceforth
continue their pursuits without anxiety. In the meantime we will
proceed slowly and surely with the enthronement, as it involves many
ceremonies and diplomatic etiquette. In this way both our domestic
and our foreign policies will remain unchanged.

We hope you will comprehend our ideas and treat them as strictly
confidential.

(Signed) Office of the Commander-in-Chief of the Land and Naval
Force.

After this one last step remained to be taken--it was necessary to burn
all the incriminating evidence. On the 21st December, the last circular
telegram in connection with this extraordinary business was dispatched
from Peking, a delightful naivete being displayed regarding the
possibility of certain letters and telegrams having transgressed the
bounds of the law. All such delinquencies are to be mercifully wiped out
by the simple and admirable method of invoking the help of the
kitchen-fires. And in this appropriate way does the monster-play end.

CODE TELEGRAM DATED DECEMBER 21, 1915, FROM THE NATIONAL CONVENTION
BUREAU, ORDERING THE DESTRUCTION OF DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE
ELECTIONS

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces, the Military
Commissioners at Foochow and Kweiyang; the Military Commandants at
Changteh, Kweihuating, and Kalgan; and the Commissioner of Defence
at Tachienlu:--(To be deciphered with the Hua Code)

The change in the form of the state is now happily accomplished.
This is due not only to the unity of the people's minds, but more
especially to the skill with which, in realizing the object of
saving the country, you have carried out the propaganda from the
beginning, managed affairs according to the exigencies of the
occasions, and adapted the law to suit the circumstances. The people
have, to be sure, become tired of the Republic; yet unless you had
taken the lead, they would not have dared to voice their sentiments.
We all appreciate your noble efforts.

Ever since the monarchical movement was started, the people as well
as the high officials in the different localities have repeatedly
petitioned for the change, a fact which proves that the people's
will is in favour of it. In order to enable the people to express
their will through a properly constituted organ, the General
Convention of the Citizens' Representatives has been created.

Since the promulgation of the Law on the Organization of the
Citizens' Representatives, we, who are devoted to the welfare of the
state, desire to see that the decisions of that Convention do not
run counter to the wishes of the people. We are so anxious about the
matter that we have striven so to apply the law to meet the
circumstances as to carry out our designs. It is out of patriotic
motives that we have adopted the policy of adhering to the law,
whenever possible, and, at the same time, of yielding to expediency,
whenever necessary. During the progress of this scheme there may
have been certain letters and telegrams, both official and private,
which have transgressed the bounds of the law. They will become
absolutely useless after the affair is finished.' Moreover, no
matter how carefully their secrets may have been guarded, still they
remain as permanent records which might compromise us; and in the
event of their becoming known to foreigners, we shall not escape
severe criticism and bitter attacks, and, what is worse, should they
be handed down as part of the national records, they will stain the
opening pages of the history of the new dynasty. The Central
Government, after carefully considering the matter, has concluded
that it would be better to sort out and burn the documents so as to
remove all unnecessary records and prevent regrettable consequences.
For these reasons you are hereby requested to sift out all
telegrams, letters, and dispatches concerning the change in the form
of the state, whether official or private, whether received from
Peking or the provinces (excepting those required by law to be filed
on record), and cause the same to be burnt in your presence. As for
those which have already been communicated to the local officials,
you are likewise requested to order them to be returned immediately;
to commit them to the flames; and to report to this Bureau for
future reference the total number of documents so destroyed.

The present change in the form of the state constitutes the most
glorious episode of our national history. Not only is this far
superior to the succession of dynasties by right of conquest or in
virtue of voluntary transfer (as in the days of Yao and Shun), but
it compares favourably with all the peaceful changes that have taken
place in western politics. Everything will be perfect if whatever
mars it (meaning the documents) is done away with.

All of you have acquired greatness in founding the dynasty. You will
doubtless concur with us, and will, we earnestly hope, lose no time
in cautiously and secretly carrying out our request.

We respectfully submit this to your consideration and wait for a
reply.

(Signed) NATIONAL CONVENTION BUREAU.

FOOTNOTES:

[18] A very remarkable illustration of the manner in which Yuan Shih-kai
was trapped by official Japan during the monarchist movement has
recently been extensively quoted in the Far Eastern press. Here is the
substance of a Japanese (vernacular) newspaper account showing the uses
to which Japanese politicians put the Press:

"... When that question was being hotly discussed in China Marquis
Okuma, interviewed by the Press, stated that monarchy was the right form
of government for China and that in case a monarchical regime was
revived Yuan Shih-kai was the only suitable person to sit on the Throne.
When this statement by Marquis Okuma was published in the Japanese
papers, Yuan Shih-kai naturally concluded that the Japanese Government,
at the head of which Marquis Okuma was, was favourably disposed towards
him and the monarchical movement. It can well be imagined, therefore,
how intense was his surprise when he later received a warning from the
Japanese Government against the resuscitation of the monarchy in China.
When this inconsistency in the Marquis's actions was called in question
in the Japanese House of Representatives, the ex-Premier absolutely
denied the truth of the statement attributed to him by the Japanese
papers, without any show of hesitancy, and thus boldly shirked the
responsibility which, in reality, lay on him...."




CHAPTER XII

"THE THIRD REVOLUTION"

THE REVOLT OF YUNNAN


In all the circumstances it was only natural that the extraordinary
chapter of history we have just narrated should have marched to its
appointed end in just as extraordinary a manner as it had commenced.
Yuan Shih-kai, the uncrowned king, actually enjoyed in peace his empty
title only for a bare fortnight, the curious air of unreality becoming
more and more noticeable after the first burst of excitement occasioned
by his acceptance of the Throne had subsided. Though the year 1915 ended
with Peking brightly illuminated in honour of the new regime, which had
adopted in conformity with Eastern precedents a new calendar under the
style of Hung Hsien or "glorious Constitutionalism," that official joy
was just as false as the rest had been and awakened the incredulity of
the crowd.

On Christmas Day ominous rumours had spread in the diplomatic circle
that dramatic developments in South China had come which not only
directly challenged the patient plotting of months but made a debacle
appear inevitable. Very few days afterwards it was generally known that
the southernmost province of China, Yunnan--on the borders of
French-Indo-China--had telegraphed the Central Government a thinly
veiled ultimatum, that either the monarchy must be cancelled and the
chief monarchists executed at once or the province would take such steps
as were deemed advisable. The text of these telegrams which follows was
published by the courageous editor of the Peking Gazette on the 31st
December and electrified the capital. The reader will not fail to note
how richly allegorical they are in spite of their dramatic nature:

FIRST TELEGRAM

To the Great President:

Since the question of _Kuo-ti_ (form of State) was raised
consternation has seized the public mind; and on account of the
interference of various Powers the spirit of the people has been
more and more aroused. They have asked the question:--"Who has
invited the disaster, and brought upon us such great disgrace?" Some
one must be responsible for the alien insults heaped on us.

We have learned that each day is given to rapid preparations for the
Grand Ceremony; and it is now true that, internally, public opinion
has been slighted, and, externally, occasions have been offered to
foreigners to encroach on our rights. Our blood runs cold when we
face the dangers at the door. Not once but twice hath the President
taken the oath to observe and obey the Constitution and protect and
maintain the Republic. The oath was sworn before Heaven and Earth;
and it is on record in the hearts of millions of people and the
words thereof still echo in the ears of the people of all nations.
In the Classics it is said that "in dealing with the people of the
country, faith is of the essence of great rule." Again it is written
that "without faith a people cannot endure as a nation." How then
can one rule the people when he "eats" his own words and tears his
own oath? Principle has now been cast to the winds and the _Kuo-ti_
has been changed. We know not how the country can be administered.

Since the suspension of the National Assembly and the revision of
the Constitution, the powers of Government have been centred in one
person, with the implied freedom to do whatever seems meet without
let or hindrance. If the Government were to use this power in order
to reform the administration and consolidate the foundations of the
nation, there would be no fear of failure. For the whole country
would submit to the measures of the Central Government. Thus there
is not the least necessity to commit treason by changing the
_Kuo-ti_.

But although the recent decision of the Citizens' Representatives in
favour of a monarchy and the request of the high local officials for
the President's accession to the Throne have been represented as
inspired by the unanimous will of the people, it is well known that
the same has been the work of ignoble men whose bribery and
intimidation have been sanctioned by the authorities. Although inept
efforts have been made to disguise the deceit, the same is unhidden
to the eyes of the world.

Fortunately it is said that the President has from the very
beginning maintained a calm attitude, speaking not his mind on the
subject. It is now as easy to turn the tide as the reversing of the
palm. It may be objected that if the "face" of the nation is not
preserved in view of the interference of Foreign Powers, there will
be great danger in future. But it must be observed that official
declaration can only be made in accordance with the will of the
people, the tendency of which can easily be ascertained by searching
for the facts. If the will of the people that the country should be
the common property of the Nation be obeyed and the idea of the
President that a Dynasty is as cheap as a worn-out shoe is heeded,
the latter has it in his power to loosen the string that suspends
the bell just as much as the person who has hung it. If the wrong
path is not forsaken, it is feared that as soon as the heart of the
people is gone, the country will be broken to pieces and the
dismemberment of the Nation will take place when alien pressure is
applied to us. We who have hitherto received favours from the
President and have received high appointments from him hereby offer
our faithful advice in the spirit of men who are sailing in common
in a boat that is in danger; we speak as do those who love sincerity
and cherish the unbroken word. We hope that the President will, with
courage, refuse to listen to the speech of evil counsellors and heed
the voice of conscience and of honour. We further hope that he will
renew his promise to protect the Republic; and will publicly swear
that a monarchical system will never again appear.

Thus the heart of the people will be settled and the foundations of
the Nation will be consolidated. Then by enlisting the services of
sagacious colleagues in order to surmount the difficulties of the
time and sweeping away all corruption and beginning anew with the
people, it may be that the welfare and interest of the Nation will
be furthered. In sending this telegram our eyes are wet with tears,
knowing not what more to say. We respectfully await the order of the
President with our troops under arms.

(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN.


SECOND TELEGRAM

For the Perusal of the Great President:--

In our humble opinion the reason why the people--Chinese and
foreign--cannot excuse the President is because the movement for the
change of Kuo-ti has been inspired, and indeed actually originated
in Peking, and that the ringleaders of the plot against the _Min
Kuo_ are all "bosom-men" of the President. The Chou An Hui,
organized by Yang Tu and five other men, set the fire ablaze and the
circular telegram sent by Chu Chi-chien and six other persons
precipitated the destruction of the Republican structure. The
President knew that the bad deed was being done and yet he did
nothing to arrest the same or punish the evil-doers. The people
therefore, are suspicious. A mandate was issued on the 24th of the
11th month of the 3rd year in which it is affirmed: "Democracy and
republicanism are laid down in the Constitutional Compact; and there
is also a law relating to the punishment of those who spread
sedition in order to disturb the minds of the people. If any one
Shall hereafter dare to advance strange doctrines and misconstrue
the meaning of the Constitution, he will be punished severely in
accordance with the law of sedition."

Yang Tu for having publicly organized the said Society and Chu
Chi-chien for having directly plotted by telegram are the principal
offenders in the present flagrant case of sedition. As their crimes
are obvious and the subject of abundant proof, we hereby ask the
President to carry out at once the terms of the said mandate and
publicly execute Yang Tu, Sun Yu-yun, Yen Fu, Liu Shih-pei, Li
Hsieh-ho, Hu Ying, Chu Chi-chien, Tuan Chih-kuei, Chow Tzu-chi,
Liang Shih-yi, Chang Cheng-fang and Yuan Nai-kuan to the end that
the whole nation may be pacified. Then, and not till then, will the
world believe in the sincerity of the President, in his love for the
country and his intention to abide by the law. All the troops and
people here are in anger; and unless a substantial proof from the
Central Authorities is forthcoming, guaranteeing the maintenance of
the Republic, it will be impossible to suppress or pacify them. We
await a reply within twenty-four hours.

(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN PROVINCE.

[Illustration: General Feng Kuo-chang, President of the Republic.]

[Illustration: The Scholar Liang Chi-chao, sometime Minister of Justice,
and the foremost "Brain" in China.]

It was evident from the beginning that pride prevented Yuan Shih-kai
from retreating from the false position he had taken up. Under his
instructions the State Department sent a stream of powerful telegraphic
messages to Yunnan attempting to dissuade the Republican leaders from
revolt. But the die had been cast and very gravely the standard of
rebellion was raised in the capital city of Yunnan and the people
exhorted to shed their blood. Everything pointed to the fact that this
rising was to be very different from the abortive July outbreak of 1913.
There was a soberness and a deliberation about it all which impressed
close observers with a sense of the ominous end which was now in sight.

Still Peking remained purblind. During the month of January the
splendour of the dream empire, which was already dissolving into thin
air, filled the newspapers. It was reported that an Imperial Edict
printed on Yellow Paper announcing the enthronement was ready for
universal distribution: that twelve new Imperial Seals in jade or gold
were being manufactured: that a golden chair and a magnificent State
Coach in the style of Louis XV were almost ready. Homage to the portrait
of Yuan Shih-kai by all officials throughout the country was soon to be
ordered; sycophantic scholars were busily preparing a volume poetically
entitled "The Golden Mirror of the Empire," in which the virtues of the
new sovereign were extolled in high-sounding language. A recondite
significance, it was said, was to be given to the old ceremonial dress,
which was to be revived, from the fact that every official would carry a
Hu or Ivory Tablet to be held against the breast. The very mention of
this was sufficient to make the local price of ivory leap skywards! In
the privacy of drawing-rooms the story went the rounds that Yuan
Shih-kai, now completely deluded into believing in the success of his
great scheme, had held a full dress rehearsal of a ceremony which would
be the first one at his new Court when he would invest the numerous
ladies of his establishment with royal rank. Seated on his Throne he had
been engaged in instructing these interested females, already robed in
magnificent costumes, in the parts they were to play, when he had
noticed the absence of the Korean Lady--a consort he had won, it is
said, in his Seoul days in competition against the Japanese Envoy
accredited to Korea, thereby precipitating the war of 1894-95.[19] The
Korean Lady had refused to enter the Throne-room, he was told, because
she was dissatisfied with the rank he proposed to confer on her. Sternly
he sent for her and told her to take her place in the circle. But no
sooner had she arrived than hysterically she screamed, "You told me when
you wedded me that no wife would be my superior: now I am counted only a
secondary consort." With that she hurled herself at the eldest wife who
was occupying the post of honour and assailed her bitterly. Amidst the
general confusion the would-be-Emperor hastily descended from his Throne
and vainly intervened, but the women were not to be parted until their
robes were in tatters.

In such childishnesses did Peking indulge when a great disaster was
preparing. To explain what had occurred in Yunnan it is necessary to go
back and tell the story of a remarkable young Chinese--General Tsao-ao,
the soul of the new revolt.

In the revolution of 1911 each province had acted on the assumption that
it possessed inherent autonomous rights and could assume sovereignty as
soon as local arrangements had allowed the organization of a complete
provisional government. Yunnan had been one of the earliest provinces to
follow the lead of the Wuchang rebels and had virtually erected itself
into a separate republic, which attracted much attention because of the
iron discipline which was preserved. Possessing a fairly well-organized
military system, largely owing to the proximity of the French frontier
and the efforts which a succession of Viceroys had made to provide
adequate frontier defence, it was amply able to guarantee its newly won
autonomy. General Tsao-ao, then in command of a division of troops had
been elected Generalissimo of the province; and bending himself to his
task in very few weeks he had driven into exile all officials who
adhered to the Imperialist cause and made all local institutions
completely self-supporting. Even in 1911 it had been reported that this
young man dreamed of founding a dynasty for himself in the mountains of
South China--an ambition by no means impossible of realization since he
had received a first-class military education in the Tokio Military
Schools and was thoroughly up-to-date and conversant with modern
theories of government.

These reports had at the time greatly concerned Yuan Shih-kai who heard
it stated by all who knew him that the Yunnan leader was a genius in his
own way. In conformity with his policy of bringing to Peking all who
might challenge his authority, he had induced General Tsao-ao, since the
latter had played no part in the rebellion of 1913, to lay down his
office of Yunnan Governor-General and join him in the capital at the
beginning of 1914--another high provincial appointment being held out to
him as a bait.

Once in Peking, however, General Tsao-ao had been merely placed in
charge of an office concerned with the reorganization of the land-tax,
nominally a very important piece of work long advocated by foreign
critics. But as there were no funds available, and as the purpose was
plainly merely to keep him under observation, he fretted at the
restraint, and became engaged in secret political correspondence with
men who had been exiled abroad. As he was soon an open suspect, in order
to avoid arrest he had taken the bold step at the very inception of the
monarchy movement of heading the list of Generals in residence in Peking
who petitioned the Senate to institute a Monarchy, this act securing him
against summary treatment. But owing to his secret connection with the
scholar Liang Chi-chao, who had thrown up his post of Minister of
Justice and left the capital in order to oppose the new movement, he was
watched more and more carefully--his death being even hinted at.

He was clever enough to meet this ugly development with a masterly
piece of trickery conceived in the Eastern vein. One day a carefully
arranged dispute took place between him and his wife, and the police
were angrily called in to see that his family and all their belongings
were taken away to Tientsin as he refused any longer to share the same
roof with them. Being now alone in the capital, he apparently abandoned
himself to a life of shameless debauch, going nightly to the haunts of
pleasure and becoming a notorious figure in the great district in the
Outer City of Peking which is filled with adventure and adventuresses
and which is the locality from which Haroun al-Raschid obtained through
the medium of Arab travellers his great story of "Aladdin and the
Wonderful Lamp." When governmental suspicions were thoroughly lulled, he
arranged with a singing-girl to let him out by the backdoor of her house
at dawn from whence he escaped to the railway-station, rapidly reaching
Tientsin entirely unobserved.

The morning was well-advanced before the detectives who nightly watched
his movements became suspicious. Then finding that his whereabouts were
unknown to the coachman dozing on the box of his carriage, they roughly
entered the house where he had passed the night only to find that the
bird had flown. Hasty telegrams were dispatched in every direction,
particularly to Tientsin--the great centre for political refugees--and
his summary arrest ordered. But fortune favoured him. A bare
quarter-of-an-hour before the police began their search he had embarked
with his family on a Japanese steamer lying in the Tientsin river and
could snap his fingers at Yuan Shih-kai.

Once in Japan he lost no time in assembling his revolutionary friends
and in a body they embarked for South China. As rapidly as possible he
reached Yunnan province from Hongkong, travelling by way of the French
Tonkin railway. Entering the province early in December he found
everything fairly ready for revolt, though there was a deficiency in
arms and munitions which had to be made good. Yuan Shih-kai, furious at
this evasion, had telegraphed to confidential agents in Yunnan to kill
him at sight, but fortunately he was warned and spared to perform his
important work. Had a fortnight of grace been vouchsafed him, he would
have probably made the most brilliant modern campaign that has been
witnessed in China, for he was an excellent soldier. Acting from the
natural fortress of Yunnan it was his plan to descend suddenly on the
Yangtsze Valley by way of Chungking and to capture the upper river in
one victorious march thus closing the vast province of Szechuan to the
Northern troops. But circumstances had made it imperative for him and
his friends to telegraph the Yunnan ultimatum a fortnight sooner than it
should have been dispatched, and the warning thus conveyed to the
Central Government largely crippled the Yunnan offensive.

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