Book: The Fight For The Republic in China

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The circumstances which had made instant action necessary were as
follows. As we have seen from the record of the previous risings, the
region of the Yangtsze river has superlative value in Chinese politics.
Offering as it does an easy road into the heart of the country and
touching more than half the Provinces, it is indeed a priceless means of
communication, and for this reason Yuan Shih-kai had been careful after
the crushing of the rebellion of 1913 to load the river-towns with his
troops under the command of Generals he believed incorruptible. Chief of
these was General Feng Kuo-chang at Nanking who held the balance of
power on the great river, and whose politics, though not entirely above
suspicion, had been proof against all the tempting offers South China
made to him until the ill-fated monarchy movement had commenced. But
during this movement General Feng Kuo-chang had expressed himself in
such contemptuous terms of the would-be Emperor that orders had been
given to another high official--Admiral Tseng, Garrison Commissioner at
Shanghai--to have him assassinated. Instead of obeying his instructions,
Admiral Tseng had conveyed a warning to his proposed victim, the
consequence being that the unfortunate admiral was himself brutally
murdered on the streets of Shanghai by revolver-shots for betraying the
confidence of his master. After this denouement it was not very strange
that General Feng Kuo-chang should have intimated to the Republican
Party that as soon as they entered the Yangtsze Valley he would throw in
his lot with them together with all his troops. Of this Yuan Shih-kai
became aware through his extraordinary system of intelligence; and
following his usual practice he had ordered General Feng Kuo-chang to
Peking as Chief of the General Staff--an appointment which would place
him under direct surveillance. First on one excuse, then on another,
General Feng Kuo-chang had managed to delay his departure from day to
day without actually coming under the grave charge of refusing to obey
orders. But finally the position was such that he telegraphed to General
Tsao-ao that unless the Yunnan arrangements were hastened he would have
to leave Nanking--and abandon this important centre to one of Yuan
Shih-kai's own henchmen--which meant the end of all hopes of the
Yangtsze Valley rising _en masse_.

It was to save Feng Kuo-chang, then, that the young patriot Tsao-ao
caused the ultimatum to be dispatched fourteen days too soon, _i.e._,
before the Yunnan troops had marched over the mountain-barrier into the
neighbouring province of Szechuan and seized the city of
Chungking--which would have barred the advance of the Northern troops
permanently as the river defiles even when lightly defended are
impassable here to the strongest force. It was largely due to the
hardships of forced marches conducted over these rugged mountains, which
raise their precipitous peaks to the heavens, that Tsao-ao subsequently
lost his life, his health being undermined by exposure, tuberculosis
finally claiming him. But one thing at least did his resolute action
secure. With Yunnan in open revolt and several other provinces about to
follow suit, General Feng Kuo-chang was able to telegraph Peking that it
was impossible for him to leave his post at Nanking without rebellion
breaking out. This veiled threat was understood by Yuan Shih-kai. Grimly
he accepted the checkmate.

Yet all the while he was acting with his customary energy. Troops were
dispatched towards Szechuan in great numbers, being tracked up the
rapids of the upper river on board fleets of junks which were ruthlessly
commandeered. Now commenced an extraordinary race between the Yunnan
mountaineers and the Northern plainsmen for the strategic city of
Chungking. For some weeks the result was in doubt; for although Szechuan
province was held by Northern garrisons, they were relatively speaking
weak and surrounded by hostile Szechuan troops whose politics were
doubtful. In the end, however, Yuan Shih-kai's men reached their goal
first and Chungking was saved. Heavy and continuous mountain-fighting
ensued, in which the Southern troops were only partially successful.
Being less well-equipped in mountain artillery and less well-found in
general supplies they were forced to rely largely on guerrilla warfare.
There is little accurate record of the desperate fighting which occurred
in this wild region but it is known that the original Yunnan force was
nearly annihilated, and that of the remnant numbers perished from
disease and exposure.

Other events were, however, hastening the debacle. Kueichow province had
almost at once followed the example of Yunnan. A third province,
Kwangsi, under a veteran who was much respected, General Lu Yun Ting,
was soon added; and gradually as in 1911 it became clear that the army
was only one chessman in a complicated and very ingenious game.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] This story is firmly believed by many, namely that a beautiful
woman caused the loss of Korea.




CHAPTER XIII

"THE THIRD REVOLUTION" (Continued)

THE DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF YUAN SHIH-KAI


As had been the case during the previous revolts, it was not publicly or
on the battlefield that the most crucial work was performed: the
decisive elements in this new and conclusive struggle were marshalled
behind the scenes and performed their task unseen. Though the
mandarinate, at the head of which stood Yuan Shih-kai, left no stone
unturned to save itself from its impending fate, all was in vain. Slowly
but inexorably it was shown that a final reckoning had to be faced.

The reasons are not far to seek. Too long had the moral sense of
educated men been outraged by common fraud and deceit for any
continuance of a regime which had disgraced China for four long years to
be humanly possible. Far and wide the word was rapidly passing that Yuan
Shih-kai was not the man he had once been; he was in reality feeble and
choleric--prematurely old from too much history-making and too many
hours spent in the harem. He had indeed become a mere Colossus with feet
of clay,--a man who could be hurled to the ground by precisely the same
methods he had used to destroy the Manchus. Even his foreign supporters
were becoming tired and suspicious of him, endless trouble being now
associated with his name, there being no promise that quieter times
could possibly come so long as he lived. A very full comprehension of
the general position is given by perusing the valedictory letter of the
leader of the Chinese intellectuals, that remarkable man--Liang
Ch'i-chao, who in December had silently and secretly fled from Tientsin
on information reaching him that his assassination was being planned. On
the even of his departure he had sent the following brilliant document
to the Emperor-elect as a reply to an attempt to entrap him to Peking, a
document the meaning of which was clear to every educated man. Its
exquisite irony mixed with its bluntness told all that was necessary to
tell--and forecasted the inevitable fall. It runs:--

For the Kind Perusal of the Great President:--

A respectful reading of your kind instructions reveals to me your
modesty and the brotherly love which you cherish for your humble
servant, who is so moved by your heart-touching sympathy that he
does not know how to return your kindness. A desire then seized him
to submit his humble views for your wise consideration; though on
the one hand he has thought that he might fail to express what he
wishes to say if he were to do so in a set of brief words, while on
the other hand he has no desire to trouble the busy mind of one on
whose shoulders fall myriads of affairs, with views expressed in
many words. Furthermore, what Ch'i-chao desires to say relates to
what can be likened to the anxiety of one who, fearing that the
heavens may some day fall on him, strives to ward off the
catastrophe. If his words should be misunderstood, it would only
increase his offence. Time and again he has essayed to write; but
each time he has stopped short. Now he is going South to visit his
parents; and looking at the Palace-Gate from afar, he realizes that
he is leaving the Capital indefinitely. The thought that he has been
a protege of the Great President and that dangers loom ahead before
the nation as well as his sense of duty and friendly obligations,
charge him with the responsibility of saying something. He therefore
begs to take the liberty of presenting his humble but extravagant
views for the kind consideration of the Great President.

The problem of _Kuo-ti_ (form of State) appears to have gone too far
for reconsideration: the position is like unto a man riding on the
back of a wild tiger.... Ch'i-chao therefore at one moment thought
he would say no more about it, since added comment thereon might
make him all the more open to suspicion. But a sober study of the
general situation and a quiet consideration of the possible future
make him tremble like an autumn leaf; for the more he meditates, the
more dangerous the situation appears. It is true that the minor
trouble of "foreign advice" and rebel plotting can be settled and
guarded against; but what Ch'i-chao bitterly deplores is that the
original intention of the Great President to devote his life and
energy to the interest of the country--an intention he has fulfilled
during the past four years--will be difficult to explain to the
world in future. The trust of the world in the Great President would
be shattered with the result that the foundation of the country will
be unsettled. Do not the Sages say: "In dealing with the people aim
at faithfulness?" If faithfulness to promises be observed by those
in authority, then the people will naturally surrender themselves.
Once, however, a promise is broken, it will be as hard to win back
the people's trust as to ascend to the very Heavens. Several times
have oaths of office been uttered; yet even before the lips are dry,
action hath falsified the words of promise. In these circumstances,
how can one hope to send forth his orders to the country in the
future, and expect them to be obeyed? The people will say "he
started in righteousness but ended in self-seeking: how can we trust
our lives in his hands, if he should choose to pursue even further
his love of self-enrichment?" It is possible for Ch'i-chao to
believe that the Great President has no desire to make profit for
himself by the sacrifice of the country, but how can the mass of the
people--who believe only what they are told--understand what
Ch'i-chao may, perchance, believe?

The Great President sees no one but those who are always near him;
and these are the people who have tried to win his favour and gain
rewards by concocting the alleged unanimous petitions of the whole
country urging his accession to the Throne. In reality, however, the
will of the people is precisely the opposite. Even the high
officials in the Capital talk about the matter in a jeering and
sarcastic way. As for the tone of the newspapers outside Peking,
that is better left unmentioned. And as for the "small people" who
crowd the streets and the market-places, they go about as if
something untoward might happen at any moment. If a kingdom can be
maintained by mere force, then the disturbance at the time of Ch'in
Chih-huang and Sui Yang Ti could not have been successful. If, on
the other hand, it is necessary to secure the co-operation and the
willing submission of the hearts of the people, then is it not time
that our Great President bethinks himself and boldly takes his own
stand?

Some argue that to hesitate in the middle of a course after
indulging in much pomp and pageantry at the beginning will result in
ridicule and derision and that the dignity of the Chief Executive
will be lowered. But do they even know whether the Great President
has taken the least part in connection with the phantasies of the
past four months? Do they know that the Great President has, on many
occasions, sworn fidelity before high Heaven and the noon-day sun?
Now if he carries out his sacrosanct promise and is deaf to the
unrighteous advice of evil counsellors, his high virtue will be made
even more manifest than ever before. Wherein then is there need of
doubt or fear?

Others may even suggest that since the proposal was initiated by
military men, the tie that has hitherto bound the latter to the
Great President may be snapped in case the pear fails to ripen. But
in the humble opinion of Ch'i-chao, the troops are now all fully
inspired with a sense of obedience to the Chief Executive. Who then
can claim the right to drag our Great President into unrighteousness
for the sake of vanity and vainglory? Who will dare disobey the
behests of the Great President if he should elect to open his heart
and follow the path of honour and unbroken vows? If to-day, as Head
of the nation, he is powerless to silence the riotous clamour of the
soldiery as happened at Chen-chiao in ancient time, then be sure in
the capacity of an Emperor he will not be able to suppress an
outbreak of troops even as it happened once at Yuyang in the Tang
dynasty.[20] To give them the handle of the sword is simply courting
trouble for the future. But can we suspect the troops--so long
trained under the Great President--of such unworthy conduct? The
ancients say "However a thing is done, do not hurt the feelings of
those who love you, or let your enemy have a chance to rejoice."
Recently calamities in the forms of drought and flood have
repeatedly visited China; and the ancients warn us that in such ways
does Heaven manifest its Will regarding great movements in our
country. In addition to these we must remember the prevailing evils
of a corrupt officialdom, the incessant ravages of robbers, excesses
in punishment, the unusually heavy burdens of taxation, as well as
the irregularity of weather and rain, which all go to increase the
murmurs and complaints of the people. Internally, the rebels are
accumulating strength against an opportune time to rise; externally,
powerful neighbouring countries are waiting for an opportunity to
harass us. Why then should our Great President risk his precious
person and become a target of public criticism; or "abandon the rock
of peace in search of the tiger's tail"; or discourage the loyalty
of faithful ones and encourage the sinister ambitions of the
unscrupulous? Ch'i-chao sincerely hopes that the Great President
will devote himself to the establishment of a new era which shall be
an inspiration to heroism and thus escape the fate of those who are
stigmatized in our annals with the name of Traitor. He hopes that
the renown of the Great President will long be remembered in the
land of _Chung Hua_ (China) and he prays that the fate of China may
not end with any abrupt ending that may befall the Great President.
He therefore submits his views with a bleeding heart. He realizes
that his words may not win the approval of one who is wise and
clever; but Ch'i-chao feels that unless he unburdens what is in his
heart, he will be false to the duty which bids him speak and be true
to the kindness that has been showered on him by the Great
President. Whether his loyalty to the Imperative Word will be
rewarded with approval or with reproof, the order of the Great
President will say.

There are other words of which Ch'i-chao wishes to tender to the
Great President. To be an independent nation to-day, we must need
follow the ways of the present age. One who opposes the current of
the world and protects himself against the enriching influence of
the world-spirit must eventually share the fate of the unselected.
It is sincerely hoped that the Great President will refrain to some
extent from restoring the old and withal work for real reform. Law
can only be made a living force by both the ruler and the people
obeying it with sincerity. When the law loses its strength, the
people will not know how to act; and then the dignity of Government
will disappear. It is hoped that the Great President will keep
himself within the bounds of law and not lead the officials and the
people to juggle with words. Participation in politics and
patriotism are closely related. Bear well in mind that it is
impossible to expect the people to share the responsibilities of the
country, unless they are given a voice in the transaction of public
business. The hope is expressed that the Great President will
establish a real organ representing the true will of the people and
encourage the natural growth of the free expression of public
opinion. Let us not become so arrogant and oppressive that the
people will have no chance to express their views, as this may
inspire hatred on the part of the people. The relation between the
Central Government and the provincial centres is like that between
the trunk and branches of a tree. If the branches are all withered,
how can the trunk continue to grow? It is hoped that the Great
President, while giving due consideration to the maintenance of the
dignity of the Central Government, will at the same time allow the
local life of the provinces to develop. Ethics, Righteousness,
Purity and Conscientiousness are four great principles. When these
four principles are neglected, a country dies. If the whole country
should come in spirit to be like "concubines and women," weak and
open to be coerced and forced along with whomsoever be on the
stronger side, how can a State be established? May the Great
President encourage principle, and virtue, stimulate purity of
character, reject men of covetous and mean character, and grant wise
tolerance to those who know no fear in defending the right. Only
then will the vitality of the country be retained in some degree;
and in time of emergency, there will be a reserve of strength to be
drawn upon in support of the State. All these considerations are of
the order of obvious truths and it must be assumed that the Great
President, who is greatly wise, is not unaware of the same. The
reason why Ch'i-chao ventures to repeat them is this. He holds it
true that a duty is laid on him to submit whatever humble thoughts
are his, and at the same time he believes that the Great President
will not condemn a proper physic even though it may be cheap and
simple. How fortunate will Ch'i-chao be if advice so tendered shall
meet with approval. He is proceeding farther and farther away from
the Palace every day and he does not know how soon he will be able
to seek an audience again. He writes these words with tears dropping
into the ink-slab and he trusts that his words may receive the
attention of the Great President.

So ends this remarkable missive which has become an historic document in
the archives of the Republic. Once again it was whispered that so great
an impression did this fateful warning produce on the Emperor-elect that
he was within an ace of cancelling the disastrous scheme which now
enmeshed him. But in the end family influence won the day; and
stubbornly and doggedly the doomed man pushed on with his attempt to
crush revolt and consolidate his crumbling position.

Every possible effort was made to minimize the effect of international
influence on the situation. As the sycophantic vernacular press of the
capital, long drilled to blind subservience, had begun to speak of his
enthronement as a certainty on the 9th February, a Circular Note was
sent to the Five Allied Powers that no such date had been fixed, and
that the newspaper reports to that effect were inventions. In order
specially to conciliate Japan, a high official was appointed to proceed
on an Embassy to Tokio to grant special industrial concessions--a
manoeuvre which was met with the official refusal of the Tokio
Government to be so placated. Peking was coldly informed that owing to
"court engagements" it would be impossible for the Emperor of Japan to
receive any Chinese Mission. After this open rebuff attention was
concentrated on "the punitive expedition" to chastise the disaffected
South, 80,000 men being put in the field and a reserve of 80,000
mobilized behind them. An attempt was also made to win over waverers by
an indiscriminate distribution of patents of nobility. Princes, Dukes,
Marquises, Viscounts and Barons were created in great batches overnight
only to be declined in very many cases, one of the most precious
possessions of the Chinese race being its sense of humour. Every one, or
almost every one, knew that the new patents were not worth the paper
they were written on, and that in future years the members of this
spurious nobility would be exposed to something worse than contempt.
France was invited to close the Tonkin frontier, but this request also
met with a rebuff, and revolutionists and arms were conveyed in an
ever-more menacing manner into the revolted province of Yunnan by the
French railways. A Princedom was at length conferred on Lung Chi Kwang,
the Military Governor of Canton, Canton being a pivotal point and Lung
Chi Kwang, one of the most cold-blooded murderers in China, in the hope
that this would spur him to such an orgy of crime that the South would
be crushed. Precisely the opposite occurred, since even murderers are
able to read the signs of the times. Attempts were likewise made to
enforce the use of the new Imperial Calendar, but little success crowned
such efforts, no one outside the metropolis believing for a moment that
this innovation possessed any of the elements of permanence.

Meanwhile the monetary position steadily worsened, the lack of money
becoming so marked as to spread panic. Still, in spite of this, the
leaders refused to take warning, and although the political impasse was
constantly discussed, the utmost concession the monarchists were willing
to make was to turn China into a Federal Empire with the provinces
constituted into self-governing units. The over-issue of paper currency
to make good the gaps in the National Finance, now slowly destroyed the
credit of the Central Government and made the suspension of specie
payment a mere matter of time. By the end of February the province of
Kueichow was not only officially admitted by the Peking Government to be
in open revolt as well as Yunnan, but rebel troops were reported to be
invading the neighbouring province of Hunan. Kwangsi was also reported
to be preparing for secession whilst in Szechuan local troops were
revolting in increasing numbers. Rumours of an attempted assassination
of Yuan Shih-kai by means of bombs now circulated,--and there were many
arrests and suicides in the capital. Though by a mandate issued on the
23rd February, the enthronement ceremony was indefinitely postponed,
that move came too late. The whole country was plainly trembling on the
edge of a huge outbreak when, less than four weeks later, Yuan Shih-kai
reluctantly and publicly admitted that the game was up. It is understood
that a fateful interview he had with the British Minister greatly
influenced him, though the formal declaration of independence of Kwangsi
on the 16th March, whither the scholar Liang Ch'i-chao had gone, was
also a powerful argument. On the 22nd March the Emperor-elect issued the
mandate categorically cancelling the entire monarchy scheme, it being
declared that he would now form a Responsible Cabinet. Until that date
the Government Gazette had actually perpetrated the folly of publishing
side by side Imperial Edicts and Presidential Mandates--the first for
Chinese eyes, the second for foreign consumption. Never before even in
China had such a farce been seen. A rapid perusal of the Mandate of
Cancellation will show how lamely and poorly the retreat is made:

DECREE CANCELLING THE EMPIRE (22ND MARCH)

After the establishment of the _Min Kuo_ (_i.e._ the Republic),
disturbances rapidly followed one another; and a man of little
virtue like me was called to take up the vast burden of the State.
Fearing that disaster might befall us any day, all those who had the
welfare of the country at heart advocated the reinstitution of the
monarchical system of government to the end that a stop be put to
all strife for power and a regime of peace be inaugurated.
Suggestions in this sense have unceasingly been made to me since the
days of Kuei Chou (the year of the first Revolution, 1911) and each
time a sharp rebuke has been administered to the one making the
suggestion. But the situation last year was indeed so different from
the circumstances of preceding years that it was impossible to
prevent the spread of such ideas.

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