Book: The Fight For The Republic in China

B >> Bertram Lenox Putnam Weale >> The Fight For The Republic in China




THE NECESSITY FOR WAR

"Those who question the necessity for war can only quote the
attitude of America as example. The position of China is, however,
different from that of America in two points. First, actual warfare
will follow immediately after America's declaration of war, so it is
necessary for her to make the necessary preparations before taking
the step. For this purpose, America has voted several hundred
million dollars for an increase of her naval appropriations. America
therefore cannot declare war until she has completed every
preparation. With China it is different. Even after the declaration
of war, there will be no actual warfare. It is therefore unnecessary
for us to wait.

"Secondly, America has no such things as foreign settlements,
consular jurisdiction or other unequal treaties with Germany. Under
the existing conditions America has no difficulties in safeguarding
herself against the Germans residing in America after the severance
of diplomatic relations even though war has not yet been actually
declared, and as to future welfare, America will have nothing to
suffer even though her old treaties with Germany should continue to
be operative. It is impossible for China to take the necessary steps
to safeguard the country against the Germans residing in China
unless the old treaties be cancelled. For unless war is declared it
is impossible to cancel the consular jurisdiction of the Germans,
and so long as German consular jurisdiction remains in China we will
meet with difficulties everywhere whenever we wish to deal with the
Germans. If our future is to be considered, unless war is declared,
the old treaties will again come into force upon the resumption of
diplomatic relations, in which case we shall be held responsible for
all the steps which we have taken in contravention of treaties
during the rupture. It will be advantageous to China if the old
treaties be cancelled by a declaration of war and new treaties be
negotiated after the conclusion of peace.

"In short by severing diplomatic relations with Germany China has
already incurred the ill-feelings of that country. We shall not be
able to lessen the hostile feelings of the Germans even if we
refrain from declaring war on them. It is therefore our obligation
to choose the course that will be advantageous to us. This is not
reluctantly yielding to the request of the Entente Allies. It is the
course we must take in our present situation.


THE REASON FOR DECLARING WAR

"The presumptuous manner in which Germany has replied to our demand
is an open affront to our national integrity. Recently Germany has
deliberately shown hostility to our advice by reiterating her
determination to carry out the ruthless submarine policy with
increased vigour. All these are reasons for diplomatic rupture as
well as for declaration of war. Furthermore, the peace of the Far
East was broken by the occupation of Kiachow by Germany. This event
marked the first step of the German disregard for international law.
In the interests of humanity and for the sake of what China has
passed through, she should rise and punish such a country, that
dared to disregard international law. Such a reason for war is
certainly beyond criticism.


THE TIME TO DECLARE WAR

"War should be declared as soon as possible. The reason for the
diplomatic rupture is sufficient reason for declaring war. This has
already been explained. It would be impossible for us to find an
excuse for declaring war if war be not declared now. According to
usual procedure war is declared when the forces of the two countries
come into actual conflict. Now such a possibility does not exist
between China and Germany. Since it is futile to expect Germany to
declare war on us first, we should ask ourselves if war is
necessary. If not, then let us go on as we are, otherwise we must
not hesitate any more.

"Some say that China should not declare war on Germany until we have
come to a definite understanding with the Entente Allies respecting
certain terms. This is indeed a wrong conception of things. We
declare war because we want to fight for humanity, international law
and against a national enemy. It is not because we are partial
towards the Entente or against Germany or Austria. International
relations are not commercial connexions. Why then should we talk
about exchange of privileges and rights? As to the revision of
Customs tariff, it has been our aspiration for more than ten years
and a foremost diplomatic question, for which we have been looking
for a suitable opportunity to negotiate with the foreign Powers. It
is our view that the opportunity has come because foreign Powers are
now on very friendly terms with China. It is distinctly a separate
thing from the declaration of war. Let no one try to confuse the
two.


THE QUESTION OF AUSTRIA

"If China decides to declare war on Germany the same attitude should
be taken towards Austria. We have severed diplomatic relations with
Germany but retain the _status quo_ with Austria. This is fraught
with danger. German intrigue is to be dreaded. What they have done
in America and Mexico is enough to shock us. The danger can easily
be imagined when we remember that they have in China the Austrian
Legation, Austrian Consulates and Austrian concessions as their
bases of operation for intrigue and plotting. Some say we should
follow America, which has not yet severed diplomatic relations with
Austria. This is a great mistake. America can afford to ignore
Austria because there are no Austrian concessions and Austrian
consular jurisdiction in America.

"The question is then what steps should be taken to sever diplomatic
relations with and declare war on Austria. The solution is that
since Austria has also communicated to our Minister regarding her
submarine policy we can serve her with an ultimatum demanding that
the submarine policy be cancelled within twenty-four hours. If
Austria refuses, China may sever diplomatic relations and declare
war at the same time immediately upon the expiry of the twenty-four
hour limit.

"In conclusion I wish to say that whenever a policy is adopted we
should carry out the complete scheme. If we should hesitate in the
middle and become afraid to go ahead we will soon find ourselves in
an embarrassing position. The Government and Parliament should
therefore stir up courage and boldly make the decision and take the
step."

Unanswerable as seem these arguments to the Western mind, they were by
no means so to the mass of Chinese who are always fearful lest some
sudden reshuffling in the relationships existing between foreign Powers
exposes them to new and greater calamities. This Chinese viewpoint, with
its ignorance of basic considerations, is well-illustrated by the Second
Memorandum, which follows. Written by the famous reformer of 1898 Kang
Yu-wei, it demonstrates how greatly the revolutionists of 1911 are in
advance of a school which was the vogue less than twenty years ago and
which is completely out of touch with the thought which the war has made
world-wide. Nevertheless the line of argument which characterizes this
utterance is still a political factor in China and must be understood.

MEMORANDUM

... "The breach between the United States and Germany is no concern
of ours. But the Government suddenly severed diplomatic relations
with Germany and is now contemplating entry into the war. This is to
advance beyond the action of the United States which continues to
observe neutrality. And if we analyse the public opinion of the
country, we find that all peoples--high and low, well-informed and
ignorant--betray great alarm when informed of the rupture and the
proposal to declare war on Germany, fearing that such a development
may cause grave peril to the country. This war-policy is being urged
by a handful of politicians, including a few members of Parliament
and several party men with the view of creating a diplomatic
situation to serve their political ends and to reap great profits.

"Their arguments are that China--by siding with the Entente--may
obtain large loans, the revision of the Customs Tariff and the
suspension of the Boxer indemnity to Germany, as well as the
recovery of the German concessions, mining and railroad rights and
the seizure of German commerce. Pray, how large is Germany's share
of the Boxer indemnity? Seeing that German commerce is protected by
international law, will China be able to seize it; and does she not
know that the Kaiser may in the future exact restitution?


PERILS OF WAR

"News from Holland tells of a rumoured secret understanding between
Germany, Japan and Russia. The Japanese Government is pursuing a
policy of friendship toward Germany. This is very disquieting news
to us. As to foreign loans and the revision of the Customs Tariff,
we can raise these matters at any time. Why then should we traffic
for these things at the risk of grave dangers to the nation? My view
is that what we are to obtain from the transaction is far less than
what we are to give. If it be argued that the policy aims at
securing for China her right to live as an unfettered nation, then
we ought to ask for the cancellation of the entire Boxer
Indemnities, the abolition of exterritoriality, the retrocession of
the foreign concessions and the repeal or amendment of all unjust
treaties after the war. But none of these have we demanded. If we
ourselves cannot improve our internal administration in order to
become a strong country, it is absurd to expect our admission to the
ranks of the first-class Powers simply by being allowed a seat at
the Peace Conference and by taking a side with the Entente!

"Which side will win the war? I shall not attempt to predict here.
But it is undoubted that all the arms of Europe--and the industrial
and financial strength of the United States and Japan--have proved
unavailing against Germany. On the other hand France has lost her
Northern provinces and Belgium, Serbia and Rumania are blotted off
the map. Should Germany be victorious, the whole of Europe--not to
speak of a weak country like China--would be in great peril of
extinction. Should she be defeated, Germany still can--after the
conclusion of peace--send a fleet to war against us. And as the
Powers will be afraid of a second world-war, who will come to our
aid? Have we not seen the example of Korea? There is no such thing
as an army of righteousness which will come to the assistance of
weak nations. I cannot bear to think of hearing the angry voice of
German guns along our coasts!

"If we allow the Entente to recruit labour in our country without
restriction, thousands upon thousands of our fellow countrymen will
die for no worthy cause; and if we allow free exportation of
foodstuff, in a short time the price of daily necessaries will mount
ten to a hundredfold. This is calculated to cause internal troubles.
Yea, all gains from this policy will go to the politicians but the
people will suffer the evil consequences through no fault of theirs.


DIPLOMACY OF CONFUCIUS

"In the matter of diplomacy, we do not need to go to the West for
the apt learning on the point at issue. Confucius has said: 'Be
truthful and cultivate friendship--this is the foundation of human
happiness.' Our country being weak and undeveloped, if we strive to
be truthful and cultivate friendship, we can still be a civilized
nation, albeit hoary with age. But we are now advised to take
advantage of the difficulties of Germany and abandon honesty in
order that we may profit thereby. Discarding treaties is to be
unfaithful, grasping for gains is not the way of a gentleman, taking
advantage of another's difficulties is to be mean and joining the
larger in numbers is cowardice. How can we be a nation, if we throw
away all these fundamental qualities.

"Even in the press of England and the United States, there is
opposition to America entering the war. If we observe neutrality, we
are not bound to any side; and when the time comes for peace--as a
friend to both sides--we may be able to bring about the ends of the
war. Is this not a service to humanity and the true spirit of
civilization?

"Now it is proposed to take the existence of this great nation of
five thousand years and four hundred million people in order to
serve the interests of politicians in their party struggles. We are
now to be bound to foreign nations, without freedom to act for
ourselves and running great risks of national destruction. Can you
gentlemen bear to see this come to pass? China has severed relations
with Germany but the decision for war has not yet been reached. The
whole country is telegraphing opposition to the Government's policy
and wants to know whether Germany will not in the future take
revenge on account of our rupture with her; and if we are not
secured against this eventuality, what are the preparations to meet
with a contingency? The Government must not stake the fate of the
nation as if it be a child's toy, and the people must not be cast
into the whirlpool of slaughter. The people are the backbone of a
country, and if the people are all opposed to war on Germany, the
Government--in spite of the support of Parliament--must call a great
citizens' convention to decide the question. We must persist in our
neutrality. You gentlemen are patriotic sons of this country and
must know that the existence of China as a nation depends upon what
she does now in this matter. In tears, I appeal to you.

"KANG YU-WEI."

March and April were consumed in this fruitless discussion in which
everybody participated. The Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, in view of
the alleged provincial opposition, now summoned to Peking a Conference
of Provincial Military Governors to endorse his policy, but this action
although crowned with success so far as the army chiefs were
concerned--the conference voting solidly for war--was responsible for
greatly alarming Parliament which saw in this procedure a new attempt
to undermine its power and control the country by extra-legal means.
Furthermore, publication in the Metropolitan press of what the Japanese
were doing behind the scenes created a fear that extraordinary intrigues
were being indulged in with the object of securing by means of secret
diplomacy certain guarantees of a personal nature. Apart from being
associated with the semi-official negotiations of the Entente Powers in
Peking, Japan was carrying on a second set of negotiations partly by
means of a confidential agent named Kameio Nishihara dispatched from
Tokio specially for that purpose by Count Terauchi, the Japanese
Premier, a procedure which led to the circulation of highly sensational
stories regarding China's future commitments. When the Premier, General
Tuan Chi-jui, had made his statement to Parliament on the 10th March,
regarding the necessity of an immediate rupture with Germany, he had
implied that China had already received assurances from the Allies that
there would be a postponement of the Boxer Indemnities for a term of
years, an immediate increase in the Customs Tariff, and a modification
of the Peace Protocol of 1901 regarding the presence of Chinese troops
near Tientsin. Suddenly all these points were declared to be in doubt.
Round the question of the length of time the Indemnities might be
postponed, and the actual amount of the increase in the Customs Tariff,
there appeared to be an inexplicable muddle largely owing to the
intervention of so many agents and to the fact that the exchange of
views had been almost entirely verbal, unofficial, and secret. It would
be wearisome to analyse a dispute which belongs to the peculiar
atmosphere of Peking diplomacy; but the vast difficulties of making even
a simple decision in China were glaringly illustrated by this matter.
With a large section of the Metropolitan press daily insisting that the
future of democracy in China would be again imperilled should the
Military Party have its own way, small wonder if the question of a
formal declaration of war on Germany (and Austria) now assumed an
entirely different complexion.

On the 1st May, in spite of all these trials and tribulations, being
pressed by the Premier to do so, the Cabinet unanimously decided that a
declaration of war was imperative; and on the 7th May, after an
agreement with the President had been reached, Parliament received the
following dispatch--this method of communication being the usual one
between the executive and legislative branches of the Government:

The President has the honour to communicate to the House of
Representatives the following proposal. Since the severance of
diplomatic relations with Germany, Germany has continued to violate
the rights of the neutral nations and to damage and cause losses in
life and property to our people as well as to trample on
international law and disregard principles of humanity. For the
purpose of hastening peace, upholding international law and
protecting the life and property of our people, the President is of
the view that it is necessary to declare war on the German
Government. In accordance with Article 35 of the Provisional
Constitution, he now asks for the approval of the House, and
demands--in accordance with Article 21 of the Provisional
Constitution--that the meeting in the House be held in secret.

On 8th May, after hearing a statement made in person by the Premier, the
House of Representatives in secret session referred the question for
examination to the House sitting as a Committee in order to gain time to
make up its mind. On the same day the Senate sat on the same question. A
very heated and bitter discussion followed in the upper House, not
because of any real disagreement regarding the matter at issue, but
because a large section of Senators were extremely anxious regarding the
internal consequences. This is well-explained by the following written
interpellation which was addressed to the government by a large number
of parliamentarians:

We, the undersigned, hereby address this interpellation to the
Government. As a declaration of war on Germany has become an object
of the foreign policy of the Government, the latter has held
informal meetings to ascertain the views of parliament on the
question; and efforts are being made by the Government to secure the
unanimous support of both Houses for its war policy. In pursuing
this course, the Government appears to believe that its call for
support will be readily complied with by the Houses. But in our view
there are quite a number of members in both Houses who fail
thoroughly to understand the war decision of the Government. The
reason for this is that, according to recent reports, both foreign
and vernacular, the Government has entered into secret treaties with
a "neighbouring country." It is also reported that secret agents on
both sides are active and are travelling between the two countries.
The matter seems to be very grave; and it has already attracted the
attention of Parliament, which in the near future will discuss the
war-issue.

Being in doubt as to the truth of such a report, we hereby request
the Government for the necessary information in the matter. We also
beg to suggest that, if there is any secret diplomatic agreement, we
consider it expedient for the Government to submit the matter to
Parliament for the latter's consideration. This will enable the
members in Parliament to study the question with care and have a
clear understanding of the matter. When this is done, Parliament
will be able to support the Government in the prosecution of its war
policy according to the dictates of conscience. In this event both
Parliament and Government will be able to co-operate with each other
in the solution of the present diplomatic problem. Troubled not a
little with the present diplomatic situation of the country, we
hereby address this interpellation to the Government in accordance
with law. It is hoped that an answer from the Government will be
dispatched to us within three days from date.

On the 10th May Parliament met in secret session and it was plain that a
crisis had come. Members of the House of Representatives experienced
great difficulties in forcing their way through a mob of several
thousand roughs who surrounded the approaches to Parliament, many
members being hustled if not struck. The mob was so plainly in control
of a secret organization that the House of Representatives refused to
sit. Urgent messages were sent to the Police and Gendarmerie
headquarters for reinforcements of armed men as a protection, whilst the
presence of the Premier was also demanded. Masses of police were soon on
the ground, but whilst they prevented the mob from entering Parliament
and carrying out their threat of burning the buildings, and murdering
the members, they could not--or would not--disperse the crowds, it
transpiring subsequently that half a battalion of infantry in plain
clothes under their officers formed the backbone of the demonstrators.

It was not until nearly dark, after six or seven hours of these
disorderly scenes, that the Premier finally arrived. Cavalry had
meanwhile also been massed on the main street; but it was only when the
report spread that a Japanese reporter had been killed that the order
was finally given to charge the mob and disperse it by force. This was
very rapidly done, as apart from the soldiers in plain clothes the mass
of people belonged to the lowest class, and had no stomach for a fight,
having only been paid to shout. It was nearly midnight, after twelve
hours of isolation and a foodless day, that the Representatives were
able to disperse without having debated the war-question. The upshot
was that with the exception of the Minister of Education, the Premier
found that his entire Cabinet had resigned, the Ministers being
unwilling to be associated with what had been an attempted coercion of
Parliament carried out by the Military.

The Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, however, remained determined to carry
his point, and within a week a second dispatch was sent to the House of
Representatives demanding, in spite of what had happened, that the
declaration of war be immediately brought up for debate. Meanwhile
publication in a leading Peking newspaper of further details covering
Japan's subterranean activities greatly inflamed the public, and made
the Liberal political elements more determined than ever to stand firm.
It was alleged that Count Terauchi was reviving in a more subtle form
Group V of the Twenty-one Demands of 1915, the latest Japanese proposal
taking the form of a secret Treaty of twenty articles of which the main
stipulations were to be a loan of twenty million yen to China to
reorganize the three main Chinese arsenals under Japanese guidance, and
a further loan of eighty million yen to be expended on the Japanization
of the Chinese army. As a result of this publication, which rightly or
wrongly was declared to be without foundation, the editor of _The Peking
Gazette_ was seized in the middle of the night and thrown into gaol; but
Parliament so far from being intimidated passed the very next day (19th
May) a resolution refusing to consider in any form the declaration of
war against Germany until the Cabinet had been reorganized--which meant
the resignation of General Tuan Chi-jui. A last effort was made by the
reactionary element to jockey the President into submission by
presenting to the Chief Executive a petition from the Military Governors
assembled in Peking demanding the immediate dissolution of Parliament.
On this proposal being absolutely rejected by the President as wholly
unconstitutional, and the Military Governors soundly rated for their
interference, an ominous calm followed.

Parliament, however, remained unmoved and continued its work. Although
the draft of the Permanent Constitution had been practically completed,
important additions to the text were now proposed, such additions being
designed to increase parliamentary control and provide every possible
precaution against arbitrary acts in the future. Thus the new provision
that a simple vote of want of confidence in the Cabinet must be followed
by the President either dismissing the Cabinet or dissolving the House
of Representatives--but that the dissolution of the Lower House could
not be ordered without the approval of the Senate--was generally
recognized as necessary to destroy the last vestiges of the Yuan
Shih-kai regime. Furthermore a new article, conferring on the President
the right to dismiss the Premier summarily by Presidential Mandate
without the counter-signature of the other Cabinet Ministers, completed
the disarray of the conservatives who saw in this provision the dashing
of their last hopes.[25]

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