Book: The Fight For The Republic in China

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The power of State was thus voluntarily given to the whole country
with the hope that disputes might disappear, disturbances might stop
and the people enabled to live in peace. But ever since the form of
State was changed into a Republic, continuous strife has prevailed
and several wars have taken place. Forcible seizure, excessive
taxation and bribery have been of everyday occurrence. Although the
annual revenue has increased to 400 millions this amount is still
insufficient to meet the needs. The total amount of foreign
obligations has reached a figure of more than ten thousand millions
yet more loans are being contracted. The people within the seas are
shocked by this state of affairs and interest in life has forsaken
them. The step reluctantly taken by Our Empress Hsiao Ting Chin for
the purpose of giving respite to the people has resulted untowardly
in increasing the burdens of Our People. This indeed Our Empress
Hsiao Ting Chin was unable to foresee, and the result must have made
her Spirit in Heaven to weep sorely. And it is owing to this that we
have been praying to Heaven day and night in the close confines of
the palace, meditating and weeping in silent suffering.

Recently party strife has resulted in war and the country has
remained too long in an unsettled condition. The Republic has fallen
to pieces and means of remedy have been exhausted.

Chang Hsun, Feng Kuo-chang and Lu Yung-ting have jointly
memorialized the Throne stating that the minds of people are
disturbed and they are longing to see the old regime restored, and
asking that the throne be reoccupied in order to comfort the people.

Chu Hung-chi and others have also memorialized us stating that the
country is in imminent danger and that the people have lost their
faith in the Republic, and asking that we ascend the Throne in
obedience to the mandate of Heaven and man.

Li Yuan-hung has also memorialized the throne, returning the great
power of State to us in order to benefit the country and save the
people.

A perusal of the said memorials, which are worded in earnest terms,
has filled our heart with regret and fear. On the one hand We, being
yet in Our boyhood, are afraid to assume the great responsibilities
for the existence of the country but on the other hand We are
unwilling to turn our head away from the welfare of the millions
simply because the step might affect Our own safety.

After weighing the two sides and considering the mandates of Heaven
and man, we have decided reluctantly to comply with the prayers, and
have again occupied the Court to attend to the affairs of State
after resuming possession of the great power on the 13th day of the
5th moon of the 9th year of Hsuan Tung.

A new beginning will be made with our people. Hereafter the
principles of morality and the sacred religion shall be our
constitution in spirit, and order, righteousness, honesty and
conscience will be practised to rebind the minds of the people who
are now without bonds. People high and low will be uniformly treated
with sincerity, and will not depend on obedience of law alone as the
means of co-operation. Administration and orders will be based on
conscientious realization and no one will be allowed to treat the
form of State as material for experiment. At this time of exhaustion
when its vitality is being wasted to the last drop and the existence
of the country is hanging in the balance, we, as if treading on thin
ice over deep waters, dare not in the slightest degree indulge in
license on the principle that the Sovereign is entitled to
enjoyment. It is our wish therefore that all officials, be they high
or low, should purify their hearts and cleanse themselves of all
forms of old corruption; constantly keeping in mind the real
interests of the people. Every bit of vitality of the people they
shall be able to preserve shall go to strengthen the life of the
country for whatever it is worth. Only by doing so can the danger be
averted and Heaven moved by our sincerity.


THE NINE ARTICLES

Herewith we promulgate the following principal things, which we must
either introduce as reforms or abolish as undesirable in
restoration.

1. We shall obey the edict of Emperor Teh Tsung Chin (Kuang Hsu),
namely, that the sovereign power shall be controlled by the Court
(state) but the detailed administration shall be subject to public
opinion. The country shall be called The Empire of Ta Ching; and the
methods of other constitutional monarchies shall be carefully
copied.

2. The allowance for the Imperial House shall be the same as before,
namely, $4,000,000 per year. The sum shall be paid annually and not
a single cent is to be added.

3. We shall strictly obey the instructions of our forefathers to the
extent that no member of the imperial family shall be allowed to
interfere with administrative affairs.

4. The line of demarcation between Man (Manchu) and Han (Chinese)
shall be positively obliterated. All Manchurian and Mongolian posts
which have already been abolished shall not be restored. As to
intermarriage and change of customs the officials concerned are
hereby commanded to submit their views on the points concerning them
respectively.

5. All treaties and loan agreements, money for which has already
been paid, formally concluded and signed with any eastern and
western countries before this 13th day of the 5th Moon of the 9th
year of Hsuan Tung, shall continue to be valid.

6. The stamp duty which was introduced by the Republic is hereby
abolished so that the people may be relieved of their burdens. As to
other petty taxes and contributions the Viceroys and Governors of
the provinces are hereby commanded to make investigations and report
on the same for their abolition.

7. The criminal code of the Republic is unsuited to this country. It
is hereby abolished. For the time being the provisional criminal
code as adopted in the first year of Hsuan Tung shall be observed.

8. The evil custom of political parties is hereby forbidden. Old
political offenders are all pardoned. We shall, however, not be able
to pardon those who deliberately hold themselves aloof and disturb
peace and order.

9. All of our people and officials shall be left to decide for
themselves the custom of wearing or cutting their queues as
commanded in the 9th moon of the 3rd year of Hsuan Tung.

We swear that we and our people shall abide by these articles. The
Great Heaven and Earth bear witness to our words. Let this be made
known to all.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun,
Member of the Imperial Privy Council.

ALLEGED MEMORIAL BY PRESIDENT LI YUAN-HUNG

In a memorial submitted this day, offering to return the sovereign
power of State and praying that we again ascend the throne to
control the great empire, Li Yuan-hung states that some time ago he
was forced by mutinous troops to steal the great throne and falsely
remained at the head of the administration but failed to do good to
the difficult situation. He enumerates the various evils in the
establishment of a Republic and prays that we ascend the throne to
again control the Empire with a view that the people may thereby be
saved. As to himself he awaits punishment by the properly instituted
authorities, etc. As his words are so mournful and full of remorse
they must have been uttered from a sincere heart. Since it was not
his free choice to follow the rebellion, the fact that he has
returned the great power of administration to us shows that he knows
the great principle of righteousness. At this time of national
danger and uncertainty, he has taken the lead of the people in
obeying their sovereign, and decided before others the plan to save
the country from ruin. The merit is indeed great, and we are highly
pleased with his achievement. Li Yuan-hung is hereby to have
conferred on him the dignity of Duke of the first class so as to
show our great appreciation. Let him accept our Edict and for ever
receive our blessings.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun,
Member of the Privy Council.


PRIVY COUNCIL

At this time of restoration a Privy Council is hereby established in
order that we may be assisted in our duties and that responsibility
may be made definite. Two Under-Secretaries of the Council are also
created. Other officials serving outside of the capital shall remain
as under the system in force during the first year of Hsuan Tung.
All civil and military officials who are now serving at their
various posts are hereby commanded to continue in office as
hitherto.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun.

(Hereafter follow many appointments of reactionary Chinese officials.)

The general stupefaction at the madness of this act and the military
occupation of all posts and telegraph-offices in Peking allowed 48 hours
to go by before the reaction came. On the 2nd July Edicts still
continued to appear attempting to galvanize to life the corpse of
Imperialism and the puzzled populace flew the Dragon Flag. On the
morning of the 3rd, however, the news suddenly spread that President Li
Yuan-hung, who had virtually been made a prisoner in the Presidential
Palace, had escaped at nine o'clock the night before by motorcar
accompanied by two aides-de-camp, and after attempting to be received at
the French Hospital in the Legation Quarter, had proceeded to the
Japanese Legation where he was offered a suitable residence. On the
evening of the 3rd the Japanese Legation issued the following official
communique (in French) defining its attitude:


TRANSLATION

President Li, accompanied by two members of his staff, came at 9.30
on the evening of July 2 to the residence of General Saito, Military
Attache of the Japanese Legation, and asked protection from him. He
arrived in a spontaneous manner and without previous notice.

Under these circumstances, the Imperial Japanese Legation, following
international usage, has decided to accord him the necessary
protection and has placed at his disposal a part of the military
barracks.

The Legation further declares that as long as President Li remains
there, it will not permit any political action on his part.

Following this sensational development it became known that President Li
Yuan-hung had completely frustrated the efforts of the Imperialists by
sending away a number of important telegraphic Mandates by courier to
Tientsin as well as the Presidential Seal. By a masterly move in one of
these Mandates General Tuan Chi-jui was reappointed Premier, whilst
Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang was asked to officiate as President, the
arrangements being so complete as at once to catch Chang Hsun in his own
net.

Here is the text of these four historically important messages:

(1) Dated July 1. To-day Inspector General Chang Hsun entered the
city with his troops and actually restored the monarchy. He stopped
traffic and sent Liang Ting-fen and others to my place to persuade
me. Yuan-hung refused in firm language and swore that he would not
recognize such a step. It is his hope that the Vice-President and
others will take effective means to protect the Republic.

Li Yuan-hung.

(2) Dated July 1. As Heaven does not scorn calamity so has the
monarchy been restored. It is said that in an edict issued by the
Ching House it is stated that Yuan-hung had actually memorialized to
return the power of State to the said House. This is an
extraordinary announcement. China changed from autocracy to a
Republic by the unanimous wish of the five races of the country.
Since Yuan-hung was entrusted by the people with the great
responsibilities it is his natural duty to maintain the Republic to
the very end. Nothing more or less than this will he care to say. He
is sending this in order to avoid misunderstanding.

Li Yuan-hung.

(3) The President to the Vice-President.

To the Vice-President Feng at Nanking--It is to be presumed that the
two telegrams sent on the 1st have safely reached you. I state with
deepest regret and greatest sorrow that as the result of my lack of
ability to handle the situation the political crisis has eventually
affected the form of government. For this Yuan-hung realizes that he
owes the country apology. The situation in Peking is daily becoming
more precarious. Since Yuan-hung is now unable to exercise his power
the continuity of the Republic may be suddenly interrupted. You are
also entrusted by the citizens with great responsibilities; I ask
you to temporarily exercise the power and functions of the President
in your own office in accordance with the provisions of Article 42
of the Provisional Constitution and Article 5 of the Presidential
Election Law. As the means of communication is effectively blocked
it is feared that the sending of my seal will meet with difficulty
and obstruction. Tuan Chih-chuan (Tuan Chi-jui) has been appointed
Premier, and is also ordered to temporarily protect the seal, and
later to devise a means to forward it on to you. Hereafter
everything pertaining to the important question of saving the
country shall be energetically pushed by you and Chih-chuan with
utmost vigour. The situation is pressing and your duty is clear. In
great anxiety and expectation I am sending you this telegram.

Li Yuan-hung.

(4) Dated July 3. To Vice-President Feng, Tu Chuns and Governors of
the Provinces, Provincial Assemblies, Inspector General Lu:--I
presume that the two telegrams dated 1st and one dated 3rd inst.
have safely reached your place. With bitter remorse to myself I now
make the statement that the political crisis has resulted in
affecting the form of government. Tuan Chih-chuan has been appointed
on the 1st inst. as Premier; and the Vice-President has been asked
to exercise the power and functions of the President in accordance
of office by the Vice-President. Premier Tuan is authorized to act
at his discretion. All the seal and documents have been sent to
Tientsin, and Premier Tuan has been told to keep and guard the same
for the time being. He has also been asked to forward the same to
the Vice-President. The body guards of the President's Office have
suddenly been replaced and I have been pressed to give up the Three
Lakes. Yuan-hung has therefore removed to a sanctuary. As regards
the means to save the country I trust that you will consult and work
unitedly with Vice-President Feng and Premier Tuan. In great
expectation, and with much of my heart not poured out.

Li Yuan-hung.

Meanwhile, whilst these dramatic events were occurring in Peking, others
no less sensational were taking place in the provinces. The Tientsin
group, suddenly realizing that the country was in danger, took action
very swiftly, disclosing that in spite of all disputes Republicanism had
become very dear to every thinking man in the country, and that at last
it was possible to think of an united China. The Scholar Liang Chi Chao,
spokesman of Chinese Liberalism, in an extraordinarily able message
circularized the provinces in terms summarizing everything of
importance. Beginning with the fine literary flight that "heaven has
refused to sympathize with our difficulties by allowing traitors to be
born" he ends with the astounding phrase that although he had proposed
to remain silent to the end of his days, "at the sight of the fallen
nest he has, however, spat the stopper out of his throat," and he calls
upon all China to listen to his words which are simply that the Republic
must be upheld or dissolution will come.

Arms now united with Literature. General Tuan Chi-jui, immediately
accepting the burden placed on him, proceeded to the main entrenched
camp outside Tientsin and assumed command of the troops massed there,
issuing at the same time the following manifesto:

TUAN CHI-JUI'S MANIFESTO

To Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang, Inspector General of Wumin, Tu
Chuns, Governors, Tu-tungs....

Heaven is chastening this country by the series of disturbances that
have taken place. Chang Hsun, filled with sinister designs, has
occupied the capital by bringing up his troops under the pretext of
effecting a compromise with the astounding result that last night
the Republican form of government was overthrown. The question of
the form of Government is the very fundamental principle on which
the national existence depends. It requires assiduous efforts to
settle the form of government and once a decision has been reached
on the subject, any attempt to change the same is bound to bring on
unspeakable disasters to the country. To-day the people of China are
much more enlightened and democratic in spirit than ever before. It
is, therefore, absolutely impossible to subjugate the millions by
holding out to the country the majesty of any one family.

When the Republic of China was being founded, the Ching House, being
well aware of the general inclinations of modern peoples, sincerely
and modestly abdicated its power. Believing that such spirit
deserved handsome recognition the people were willing to place the
Ching House under the protection of special treatment and actually
recorded the covenant on paper, whereby contentment and honour were
vouchsafed the Ching House. Of the end of more than 20 dynasties of
Chinese history, none can compare with the Ching dynasty for peace
and safety.

Purely for sake of satisfying his ambitions of self-elevation Chang
Hsun and others have audaciously committed a crime of inconceivable
magnitude and are guilty of high treason. Like Wang Mang and Tung
Tso he seeks to sway the whole nation by utilizing a young and
helpless emperor. Moreover he has given the country to understand
that Li Yuan-hung has memorialized the Ching House that many evils
have resulted from republicanism and that the ex-emperor should be
restored to save the masses. That Chang Hsun has been guilty of
usurpation and forging documents is plain and the scandal is one
that shocks all the world.

Can it be imagined that Chang Hsun is actuated by a patriotic
motive? Surely despotism is no longer tolerated in this stage of
modern civilization. Such a scheme can only provoke universal
opposition. Five years have already passed since the friendly Powers
accorded their recognition of the Chinese Republic and if we think
we could afford to amuse ourselves with changes in the national
fabric, we could not expect foreign powers to put up with such
childishness. Internal strife is bound to invite foreign
intervention and the end of the country will then be near.

Can it be possible that Chang Hsun has acted in the interest of the
Ching House? The young boy-emperor lives in peace and contentment
and has not the slightest idea of ever ruling China again. It is
known that his tutors have been warning him of the dangers of
intriguing for power. That the boy-emperor has been dragged on the
throne entirely against his own wishes is undeniable. History tells
us that no dynasty can live for ever. It is an unprecedented
privilege for the Ching dynasty to be able to end with the gift of
special treatment. How absurd to again place the Tsing house on the
top of a high wall so that it may fall once more and disappear for
ever.

Chi-jui, after his dismissal, resolved not to participate in
political affairs, but as he has had a share, however insignificant,
in the formation of the Chinese Republic, and having served the
Republic for so long he cannot bear to see its destruction without
stretching out a helping hand. Further, he has been a recipient of
favours from the defunct dynasty, and he cannot bear to watch
unmoved, the sight of the Ching House being made the channel of
brigandage with suicidal results. Wherever duty calls, Chi-jui will
go in spite of the danger of death. You, gentlemen, are the pillars
of the Republic of China and therefore have your own duties to
perform. In face of this extraordinary crisis, our indignation must
be one. For the interest of the country we should abide by our oath
of unstinted loyalty; and for the sake of the Tsing House let us
show our sympathy by sane and wise deeds. I feel sure you will put
forth every ounce of your energy and combine your efforts to combat
the great disaster. Though I am a feeble old soldier, I will follow
you on the back of my steed.

(Sgd) TUAN CHI-JUI.

Following the publication of this manifesto a general movement of troops
began. On the 5th July the important Peking-Tientsin railway was
reported interrupted forty miles from the capital--at Langfang which is
the station where Admiral Seymour's relief expedition in 1900 was nearly
surrounded and exterminated. Chang Hsun, made desperate by the swift
answer to his coup, had moved out of Peking in force stiffening his own
troops with numbers of Manchu soldiery, and announcing that he would
fight it out to the bitter end, although this proved as false as the
rest had been. The first collision occurred on the evening of the 5th
July and was disastrous for the King-maker. The whole Northern army,
with the exception of a Manchu Division in Peking, was so rapidly
concentrated on the two main railways leading to the capital that Chang
Hsun's army, hopelessly outnumbered and outmanoeuvred, fell back after a
brief resistance. Chang Hsun himself was plainly stupefied by the
discovery that imperialism of the classic type was as much out of date
in the North as in the South; and within one week of his _coup_ he was
prepared to surrender if his life and reputation were spared. By the 9th
July the position was this: the Republican forces had surrounded
Peking: Chang Hsun had resigned every appointment save the command of
his own troops: the Manchu Court party had drafted a fresh Edict of
Renunciation, but being terrorized by the pigtailed troops surrounding
the Palace did not dare to issue it.

The usual bargaining now commenced with the Legation Quarter acting as a
species of middleman. No one was anxious to see warfare carried into the
streets of Peking, as not only might this lead to the massacres of
innocent people, but to foreign complications as well. The novelty had
already been seen of a miniature air-raid on the Imperial city, and the
panic that exploding bombs had carried into the hearts of the Manchu
Imperial Family made them ready not only to capitulate but to run away.
The chief point at issue was, however, not the fate of the monarchy,
which was a dead thing, but simply what was going to happen to Chang
Hsun's head--a matter which was profoundly distressing Chang Hsun. The
Republican army had placed a price of L10,000 on it, and the firebrands
were advocating that the man must be captured, dead or alive, and suffer
decapitation in front of the Great Dynastic Gate of the Palace as a
revenge for his perfidy. Round this issue a subtle battle raged which
was not brought to a head until the evening of the 11th July, when all
attempts at forcing Chang Hsun to surrender unconditionally having
failed, it was announced that a general attack would be made on his
forces at daylight the next morning.

Promptly at dawn on the 12th July a gun-signal heralded the assault.
Large Republican contingents entered the city through various Gates, and
a storm of firing aroused terror among the populace. The main body of
Chang Hsun's men, entrenched in the great walled enclosure of the Temple
of Heaven, were soon surrounded, and although it would have been
possible for them to hold out for several days, after a few hours'
firing a parley began and they quietly surrendered. Similarly in the
Imperial city, where Chang Hsun had taken up his residence, this leader,
in spite of his fire-eating declarations, soon fled to the Legation
Quarter and besought an asylum. His men held out until two in the
afternoon, when their resistance collapsed and the cease-fire sounded.
The number of casualties on both sides was infinitesimal, and thus after
eleven days' farce the Manchu dynasty found itself worse off than ever
before. It is necessary, however, not to lose sight of the main problem
in China, which is the establishment of a united government and a
cessation of internecine warfare,--issues which have been somewhat
simplified by Chang Hsun's escapade, but not solved. That a united
government will ultimately be established is the writer's belief, based
on a knowledge of all the facts. But to attain that further provincial
struggles are inevitable, since China is too large a unit to find common
ground without much suffering and bitterness. President Li Yuan-hung
having declared that nothing would induce him to resume office,
Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang has become the legal successor and has
quietly assumed office. Chang Hsun's abortive coup has already cleared
the air in North China to this extent: that the Manchu Imperial Family
is to be removed from Peking and the Imperial allowance greatly reduced,
whilst the proscription of such out-and-out imperialists as Kang Yu-wei
has destroyed the last vestiges of public support. Finally the
completion of China's foreign policy, _i.e._ the declaration of war
against Germany and Austria, has at last been made on the 14th August,
1917, and a consistent course of action mapped out.

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