Book: In the World War

C >> Count Ottokar Czernin >> In the World War




"_January 11, 1918._--Forenoon and afternoon, long sittings of the
Committee on territorial questions. Our side is represented by
Kuehlmann, Hoffmann, Rosenberg, and a secretary, in addition to myself,
Csicserics, Wiesner, and Colloredo. The Russians are all present, but
without the Ukrainians. I told Kuehlmann that I only proposed to attend
as a second, seeing that the German interests were incomparably more
affected than our own. I only interpose now and again.

"Trotski made a tactical blunder this afternoon. In a speech rising to
violence, he declared that we were playing false; we aimed at
annexations, and were simply trying to cover them with the cloak of
self-determination. He would never agree to this, and would rather
break off altogether than continue in that way. If we were honest, we
should allow representatives from Poland, Courland, and Lithuania to
come to Brest, and there express their views without being influenced
in any way by ourselves. Now it should here be noted that from the
commencement of the negotiations it has been a point of conflict
whether the legislative bodies at present existing in the occupied
territories are justified in speaking in the name of their respective
peoples, or not. We affirm that they are; the Russians maintain they
are not. We at once accepted Trotski's proposal, that representatives
of these countries should be called, but added that, when we agreed to
accept their testimony, then their judgment if in our favour should be
taken as valid.

"It was characteristic to see how gladly Trotski would have taken back
what he had said. But he kept his countenance, fell in with the new
situation at once, and requested that the sitting be adjourned for
twenty-four hours, as our reply was of such far-reaching importance
that he must confer with his colleagues on the matter. I hope Trotski
will make no difficulty now. If the Poles could be called, it would be
an advantage. The awkward thing about it is that Germany, too, would
rather be without them, knowing the anti-Prussian feeling that exists
among the Poles.

"_January 12, 1918._--Radek has had a scene with the German chauffeur,
which led to something more. General Hoffmann had placed cars at the
disposal of the Russians in case they cared to drive out. On this
occasion it happened that the chauffeur was not there at the proper
time, and Radek flew into a rage with the man and abused him
violently. The chauffeur complained, and Hoffmann took his part.
Trotski seems to consider Hoffmann's action correct, and has
_forbidden_ the entire delegation to go out any more. That settled
them. And serve them right.

"No one ventured to protest. They have indeed a holy fear of Trotski.
At the sittings, too, none of them dare to speak while he is there.

"_January 12, 1918._--Hoffmann has made his unfortunate speech. He has
been working at it for days, and was very proud of the result.
Kuehlmann and I did not conceal from him that he gained nothing by it
beyond exciting the people at home against us. This made a certain
impression on him, but it was soon effaced by Ludendorff's
congratulations, which followed promptly. Anyhow, it has rendered the
situation more difficult, and there was certainly no need for that.

"_January 15, 1918._--I had a letter to-day from one of our mayors at
home, calling my attention to the fact that disaster due to lack of
foodstuffs is now imminent.

"I immediately telegraphed the Emperor as follows:

"'I have just received a letter from Statthalter N.N. which
justifies all the fears I have constantly repeated to Your
Majesty, and shows that in the question of food supply we are on
the very verge of a catastrophe. The situation _arising out of the
carelessness and incapacity of the Ministers_ is terrible, and I
fear it is already too late to check the total collapse which is
to be expected in the next few weeks. My informant writes: "Only
small quantities are now being received from Hungary, from
Roumania only 10,000 wagons of maize; this gives then a decrease
of at least 30,000 wagons of grain, without which we must
infallibly perish. On learning the state of affairs, I went to the
Prime Minister to speak with him about it. I told him, as is the
case, that in a few weeks our war industries, our railway traffic,
would be at a standstill, the provisioning of the army would be
impossible, it must break down, and that would mean the collapse
of Austria and therewith also of Hungary. To each of these points
he answered yes, that is so, and added that all was being done to
alter the state of affairs, especially as regards the Hungarian
deliveries. But no one, not even His Majesty, has been able to get
anything done. We can only hope that some _deus ex machina_ may
intervene to save us from the worst.'"

"To this I added:

"'I can find no words to describe properly the apathetic attitude
of Seidler. How often and how earnestly have I not implored Your
Majesty to intervene forcibly for once and _compel_ Seidler, on
the one hand, and Hadik, on the other, to set these things in
order. Even from here I have written entreating Your Majesty to
act while there was yet time. But all in vain.'

"I then pointed out that the only way of meeting the situation would
be to secure temporary assistance from Germany, and then to
requisition by force the stocks that were doubtless still available in
Hungary; finally, I begged the Emperor to inform the Austrian Prime
Minister of my telegram.

"_January 16, 1918._--Despairing appeals from Vienna for food
supplies. Would I apply at once to Berlin for aid, otherwise disaster
imminent. I replied to General Landwehr as follows:

"'Dr. Kuehlmann is telegraphing to Berlin, but has little hope of
success. The only hope now is for His Majesty to do as I have
advised, and send an urgent wire at once to Kaiser Wilhelm. On my
return I propose to put before His Majesty my point of view, that
it is impossible to carry on the foreign policy if the food
question at home is allowed to come to such a state as now.

"'Only a few weeks back your Excellency declared most positively
that we could hold out till the new harvest.'

"At the same time I wired the Emperor:

"'Telegrams arriving show the situation becoming critical for us.
Regarding question of food, we can only avoid collapse on two
conditions: first, that Germany helps us temporarily, second, that
we use this respite to set in order our machinery of food supply,
which is at present beneath contempt, and to gain possession of
the stocks still existing in Hungary.

"'I have just explained the entire situation to Dr. Kuehlmann, and
he is telegraphing to Berlin. He, however, is not at all sanguine,
as Germany is itself in straitened circumstances. I think the only
way to secure any success from this step would be for Your Majesty
to send at once, through military means, a Hughes telegram to
Kaiser Wilhelm direct, urgently entreating him to intervene
himself, and by securing us a supply of grain prevent the outbreak
of revolution, which would otherwise be inevitable. I must,
however, emphatically point out that the commencement of unrest
among our people at home will have rendered conclusion of peace
here absolutely impossible. As soon as the Russian representatives
perceive that we ourselves are on the point of revolution, they
will not make peace at all, since their entire speculation is
based on this factor.'

"_January 17, 1918._--Bad news from Vienna and environs: serious
strike movement, due to the reduction of the flour rations and the
tardy progress of the Brest negotiations. The weakness of the Vienna
Ministry seems to be past all understanding.

"I have telegraphed to Vienna that I hope in time to secure some
supplies from the Ukraine, if only we can manage to keep matters quiet
at home for the next few weeks, and I have begged the gentlemen in
question to do their utmost not to wreck the peace here. On the same
day, in the evening, I telegraphed to Dr. von Seidler, the Prime
Minister:

"'I very greatly regret my inability to counteract the effect of
all the errors made by those entrusted with the food resources.

"'Germany declares categorically that it is unable to help us,
having insufficient for itself.

"'Had your Excellency or your department called attention to the
state of things _in time_, it might still have been possible to
procure supplies from Roumania. As things are now, I can see no
other way than that of brute force, by requisitioning Hungarian
grain for the time being, and forwarding it to Austria, until the
Roumanian, and it is to be hoped also Ukrainian, supplies can come
to hand.'

[Illustration: GENERAL HOFFMANN (on right) WITH MAJ. BRINKMANN]

"_January 20, 1918._--The negotiations have now come to this: that
Trotski declares his intention of laying the German proposals before
Petersburg, though he cannot accept them himself; he undertakes, in
any case, to return here. As to calling in representatives from the
outer provinces, he will only do this provided he is allowed to choose
them. We cannot agree to this. With the Ukrainians, who, despite their
youth, are showing themselves quite sufficiently grown to profit by
the situation, negotiations are proceeding but slowly. First they
demanded East Galicia for the new 'Ukrainia.' This could not be
entertained for a moment. Then they grew more modest, but since the
outbreak of trouble at home among ourselves they realise our position,
and know that we _must_ make peace in order to get corn. Now they
demand a separate position for East Galicia. The question will have to
be decided in Vienna, and the Austrian Ministry will have the final
word.

"Seidler and Landwehr again declare by telegram that without supplies
of grain from Ukraine the catastrophe is imminent. There _are_
supplies in the Ukraine; if we can get them, the worst may be avoided.

"The position now is this: Without help from outside, we shall,
according to Seidler, have thousands perishing in a few weeks. Germany
and Hungary are no longer sending anything. All messages state that
there is a great surplus in Ukraine. The question is only whether we
can get it in time. I hope we may. But if we do not make peace _soon_,
then the troubles at home will be repeated, and each demonstration in
Vienna will render peace here most costly to obtain, for Messrs.
Sewrjuk and Lewicky can read the degree of our state of famine at
home from these troubles as by a thermometer. If only the people who
create these disturbances know how they are by that very fact
increasing the difficulty of procuring supplies from Ukraine! And we
were all but finished!

"The question of East Galicia I will leave to the Austrian Ministry;
it must be decided in Vienna. I cannot, and dare not, look on and see
hundreds of thousands starve for the sake of retaining the sympathy of
the Poles, so long as there is a possibility of help.

"_January 21, 1918._--Back to Vienna. The impression of the troubles
here is even greater than I thought, and the effect disastrous. The
Ukrainians no longer treat with us: they _dictate_!

"On the way, reading through old reports, I came upon the notes
relating to the discussions with Michaelis on August 1. According to
these, Under-Secretary of State von Stumm said at the time:

"'The Foreign Ministry was in communication with the Ukrainians, and
the separatist movement in Ukrainia was very strong. In furtherance of
their movement, the Ukrainians demanded the assurance that they should
be allowed to unite with the Government of Cholm, and with the areas
of East Galicia occupied by Ukrainians. So long as Galicia belongs to
Austria, the demand for East Galicia cannot be conceded. It would be
another matter if Galicia were united with Poland; then a cession of
East Galicia might be possible.'

"It would seem that the unpleasant case had long since been prejudged
by the Germans.

"On January 22 the Council was held which was to determine the issue
of the Ukrainian question. The Emperor opened the proceedings, and
then called on me to speak. I described first of all the difficulties
that lay in the way of a peace with Petersburg, which will be apparent
from the foregoing entries in this diary. I expressed my doubt as to
whether our group would succeed in concluding general peace with
Petersburg. I then sketched the course of the negotiations with the
Ukrainians. I reported that the Ukrainians had originally demanded the
cession of East Galicia, but that I had refused this. With regard to
the Ruthenian districts of Hungary also they had made demands which
had been refused by me. At present, they demanded the division of
Galicia into two parts, and the formation of an independent Austrian
province from East Galicia and Bukovina. I pointed out the serious
consequences which the acceptance of the Ukrainian demands would have
upon the further development of the Austro-Polish question. The
concessions made by the Ukrainians on their part were to consist in
the inclusion in the peace treaty of a commercial agreement which
should enable us to cover our immediate needs in the matter of grain
supplies. Furthermore, Austria-Hungary would insist on full
reciprocity for the Poles resident in Ukraine.

"I pointed out emphatically that I considered it my duty to state the
position of the peace negotiations; that the decision could not lie
with me, but with the Ministry as a whole, in particular with the
Austrian Prime Minister. The Austrian Government would have to decide
whether these sacrifices could be made or not, and here I could leave
them in no doubt that if we declined the Ukrainian demands we should
probably come to no result with that country, and should thus be
compelled to return from Brest-Litovsk without having achieved any
peace settlement at all.

"When I had finished, the Prime Minister, Dr. von Seidler, rose to
speak. He pointed out first of all the necessity of an immediate
peace, and then discussed the question of establishing a Ukrainian
crown land, especially from the parliamentary point of view. Seidler
believed that despite the active opposition which was to be expected
from the Poles, he would still have a majority of two-thirds in the
House for the acceptance of the bill on the subject. He was not blind
to the fact that arrangement would give rise to violent parliamentary
conflicts, but repeated his hope that a two-thirds majority could be
obtained despite the opposition of the Polish Delegation. After
Seidler came the Hungarian Prime Minister, Dr. Wekerle. He was
particularly pleased to note that no concessions had been made to the
Ukrainians with regard to the Ruthenians resident in Hungary. A clear
division of the nationalities in Hungary was impracticable. The
Hungarian Ruthenians were also at too low a stage of culture to enable
them to be given national independence. Dr. Wekerle also laid stress
on the danger, alike in Austria, of allowing any interference from
without; the risk of any such proceeding would be very great, we
should find ourselves on a downward grade by so doing, and we must
hold firmly to the principle that no interference in the affairs of
the Monarchy from without could be tolerated. In summing up, however,
Wekerle opposed the point of view of the Austrian Prime Minister.

"I then rose again to speak, and declared that I was perfectly aware
of the eminent importance and perilous aspects of this step. It was
true that it would bring us on to a down-grade, but from all
appearances, we had been in that position already for a long time,
owing to the war, and could not say how far it might lead us. I put
the positive question to Dr. Wekerle, what was a responsible leader of
our foreign policy to do when the Austrian Prime Minister and both the
Ministers of Food unanimously declared that the Hungarian supplies
would only suffice to help us over the next two months, after which
time a collapse would be absolutely unavoidable, unless we could
secure assistance from somewhere in the way of corn? On being
interrupted here by a dissentient observation from Dr. Wekerle, I told
him that if he, Wekerle, could bring corn into Austria I should be the
first to support his point of view, and that with pleasure, but so
long as he stood by his categorical denial, and insisted on his
inability to help us, we were in the position of a man on the third
floor of a burning house who jumps out of the window to save himself.
A man in such a situation would not stop to think whether he risked
breaking his legs or not; he would prefer the risk of death to the
certainty of the same. If the position really were as stated, that in
a couple of months we should be altogether without food supplies, then
we must take the consequences of such a position. Dr. von Seidler
here once more took up the discussion, and declared himself entirely
in agreement with my remarks.

"During the further course of the debate, the probability of a
definitive failure of the Austro-Polish solution in connection with
the Ukrainian peace was discussed, and the question was raised as to
what new constellation would arise out of such failure. Sektionschef
Dr. Gratz then took up this question. Dr. Gratz pointed out that the
Austro-Polish solution must fail even without acceptance of the
Ukrainian demands, since the German postulates rendered solution
impossible. The Germans demanded, apart from quite enormous
territorial reductions of Congress-Poland, the restriction of Polish
industry, part possession of the Polish railways and State domains, as
well as the imposition of part of the costs of war upon the Poles. We
could not attach ourselves to a Poland thus weakened, hardly, indeed,
capable of living at all, and necessarily highly dissatisfied with its
position. Dr. Gratz maintained that it would be wiser to come back to
the programme already discussed in general form; the project, by which
United Poland should be left to Germany, and the attachment of
Roumania to the Monarchy in consequence. Dr. Gratz went at length into
the details of this point of view. The Emperor then summed up the
essence of the opinions expressed to-day as indicating that it was
primarily necessary to make peace with Petersburg and the Ukrainians,
and that negotiations should be entered upon with Ukrainia as to the
division of Galicia. The question as to whether the Austro-Polish
solution should be definitely allowed to drop was not finally settled,
but shelved for the time being.

"In conclusion, Dr. Burian, the Minister of Finance, rose to speak,
and pointed out, as Dr. Wekerle had done, the danger of the Austrian
standpoint. Burian declared that, while the war might doubtless change
the internal structure of the Monarchy, such alteration must be made
from within, not from without, if it were to be of any benefit to the
Monarchy at all. He further pointed out that if the Austrian principle
of the division of Galicia were to be carried through, the _form_ of
so doing would be of great importance. Baron Burian advised that a
clause referring to this should be inserted, not in the instrument of
peace itself, but in a secret annexe. This form was, in his, Burian's,
view, the only possible means of diminishing the serious consequences
of the steps which the Austrian Government wished to take."

Thus the notes in my diary relative to this Council. The Austrian
Government was thus not only agreed as to the proposed arrangement
with the Ukraine; it was indeed at the direct wish of the Government,
by its instigation and on its responsibility, that it was brought
about.

"_January 28, 1918._--Reached Brest this evening.

"_January 29, 1918._--Trotski arrived.

"_January 30, 1918._--The first plenary session has been held. There
is no doubt that the revolutionary happenings in Austria and in
Germany have enormously raised the hopes of the Petersburgers for a
general convulsion, and it seems to me altogether out of the question
now to come to any peace terms with the Russians. It is evident among
the Russians themselves that they positively expect the outbreak of a
world-revolution within the next few weeks, and their tactics now are
simply to gain time and wait for this to happen. The conference was
not marked by any particular event, only pin-pricks between Kuehlmann
and Trotski. To-day is the first sitting of the Committee on
territorial questions, where I am to preside, and deal with our
territorial affairs.

"The only interesting point about the new constellation seems to be
that the relations between Petersburg and Kieff are considerably worse
than before, and the Kieff Committee is no longer recognised at all by
the Bolsheviks as independent.

"_February 1, 1918._--Sitting of the Territorial Committee, I myself
presiding, with the Petersburg Russians. My plan is to play the
Petersburgers and the Ukrainians one against the other, and manage at
least to make peace with one of the two parties. I have still some
slight hope that a peace with one may so affect the other that
possibly peace with both may be attained.

"As was to be expected, Trotski replied to my question, whether he
admitted that the Ukrainians should treat with us alone on questions
dealing with their frontiers, with an emphatic denial. I then, after
some exchange of words, proposed that the sitting be adjourned, and a
plenary sitting convened, in order that the matter might be dealt with
by the Kieff and Petersburg parties together.

"_February 2, 1918._--I have tried to get the Ukrainians to talk over
things openly with the Russians, and succeeded almost too well. The
insults hurled by the Ukrainians to-day against the Russians were
simply grotesque, and showed what a gulf is fixed between these two
Governments, and that it is not our fault that we have not been able
to bring them together under one hat on the question of peace. Trotski
was so upset it was painful to see. Perfectly pale, he stared fixedly
before him, drawing nervously on his blotting paper. Heavy drops of
sweat trickled down his forehead. Evidently he felt deeply the
disgrace of being abused by his fellow-citizens in the presence of the
enemy.

"The two brothers Richthofen were here a little while ago. The elder
has shot down some sixty, the younger 'only' some thirty enemy
airmen. The elder's face is like that of a young and pretty girl. He
told me 'how the thing is done.' It is very simple. Only get as near
to the enemy as possible, from behind, and then keep on shooting,
when the other man would fall. The one thing needful was to 'get over
your own fright,' and not be shy of getting quite close to your
opponent.--Modern heroes.

"Two charming stories were told about these two brothers. The English
had put a price on the head of the elder Richthofen. When he learned
of this, he sent down broadsheets informing them that to make matters
easier for them, he would from the following day have his machine
painted bright red. Next morning, going to the shed, he found all the
machines there painted bright red. One for all and all for one.

"The other story is this: Richthofen and an English airman were
circling round each other and firing furiously. They came closer and
closer, and soon they could distinctly see each other's faces.
Suddenly something went wrong with Richthofen's machine-gun, and he
could not shoot. The Englishman looked across in surprise, and seeing
what was wrong, waved his hand, turned and flew off. Fair play! I
should like to meet that Englishman, only to tell him that he is
greater, to my mind, than the heroes of old.

"_February 3, 1918._--Started for Berlin. Kuehlmann, Hoffmann,
Colloredo.

"_February 4, 1918._--Arrived Berlin. Nothing this afternoon, as the
Germans are holding council among themselves.

"_February 5, 1918._--Sitting all day. I had several violent passages
of arms with Ludendorff. Matters seemed to be clearing up, though this
is not yet altogether done. Apart from deciding on our tactics for
Brest, we have at last to set down _in writing_ that we are only
obliged to fight for the pre-war possessions of Germany. Ludendorff
was violently opposed to this, and said, 'If Germany makes peace
without profit, then Germany has lost the war.'

"The controversy was growing more and more heated, when Hertling
nudged me and whispered: 'Leave him alone, we two will manage it
together without him.'

"I am now going to work out the draft at once and send it in to
Hertling.

"Supper this evening at Hoehenlohe.

"_February 6, 1918._--Arrived Brest this evening. Wiesner has been at
it untiringly and done excellent work; the situation, too, is easier
now. The leader of the Austrian Ruthenians, Nikolay Wassilko, arrived
yesterday, and albeit evidently excited by the part his
Russian-Ukrainian comrades are playing at Brest, speaks nationally,
far more chauvinistically than when I thought I knew him in Vienna,
and we have at last agreed on the minimum of the Ukrainian demands. I
gave as my advice in Berlin that we should try to finish with the
Ukrainians as soon as possible. I could then in the name of Germany
commence negotiations with Trotski, and try if I could not get speech
with him privately, and find out whether any agreement were possible
or not. It is Gratz's idea. After some opposition we agreed.

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