Book: In the World War

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And Italy? From Milan to Naples is heard the subterraneous rumbling of
approaching revolution; the only means the Government have adopted to
check the upheaval is to drown the revolution in a sea of national
interests. I believe that in 1917, when the general discontent was
much less and finances were much better, the Italian Government might
much more probably have accepted Wilson's standpoint than after final
victory. Then they could not do it. At Versailles they were the slaves
of their promises. And does anyone believe that Lloyd George would
have had the power at Versailles to extend the Wilson principle of the
right of self-determination to Ireland and the Dominions? Naturally,
he did not wish to do otherwise than he did; but that is not the
question here, but rather that neither could have acted very
differently even had he wished to do so.

It seems to me that the historical moment is the year 1917 when Wilson
lost his power, which was swallowed up in Imperialism, and when the
President of the United States neglected to force his programme on his
Allies. Then power was still in his hands, as the American troops were
so eagerly looked for; but later, when victory came, he no longer held
it.

And thus there came about what is now a fact. A dictated peace of the
most terrible nature was concluded and a foundation laid for a
continuance of unimaginable disturbances, complications and wars.

In spite of all the apparent power of victorious armies, in spite of
all the claims of the Council of Four, a world has expired at
Versailles--the world of militarism. Solely bent on exterminating
Prussian militarism, the Entente have gained so complete a victory
that all fences and barriers have been pulled down and they can give
themselves up unchecked to a torrent of violence, vengeance and
passion. And the Entente are so swallowed up by their revengeful
paroxysm of destruction that they do not appear to see that, while
they imagine they still rule and command, they are even now but
instruments in a world revolution.

The Entente, who would not allow the war to end and kept up the
blockade for months after the cessation of hostilities, has made
Bolshevism a danger to the world. War is its father, famine its
mother, despair its godfather. The poison of Bolshevism will course in
the veins of Europe for many a long year.

Versailles is not the end of the war, it is only a phase of it. The
war goes on, though in another form. I think that the coming
generation will not call the great drama of the last five years the
world-war, but the world-revolution, which it will realise began with
the world-war.

Neither at Versailles nor St. Germain has any lasting work been done.
The germs of decomposition and death lie in this peace. The paroxysms
that shattered Europe are not yet over; as, after a terrible
earthquake, the subterraneous rumblings may still be heard. Again and
again we shall see the earth open, now here, now there, and shoot up
flames into the heavens; again and again there will be expressions of
elementary nature and elementary force that will spread devastation
through the land--until everything has been swept away that reminds us
of the madness of the war and the French peace.

Slowly but with unspeakable suffering a new world will be born. Coming
generations will look back to our times as to a long and very bad
dream, but day follows the darkest night. Generations have been laid
in their graves, murdered, famished, and a prey to disease. Millions,
with hatred and murder in their hearts, have died in their efforts to
devastate and destroy.

But other generations will arise and with them a new spirit: They will
rebuild what war and revolution have pulled down. Spring comes always
after winter. Resurrection follows after death; it is the eternal law
in life.

Well for those who will be called upon to serve as soldiers in the
ranks of whoever comes to build the new world.

_June, 1919._




APPENDIX


1

=Resolutions of the London Conference, of April 26, 1915=[11]

On February 28, 1917, the _Isvestia_ published the following text of
this agreement:

"The Italian Ambassador in London, Marchese Imperiali, acting on the
instructions of his Government, has the honour to convey to the
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, the French Ambassador
in London, M. Cambon, and the Russian Ambassador in London, Count
Benckendorff, the following notable points:

Sec.1. A _Military Convention_ shall be concluded without delay between
the General Staffs of France, Great Britain, Russia and Italy. This
convention to determine the minimum of forces to be directed by Russia
against Austria-Hungary in case that country should turn all its
forces against Italy, provided Russia decides to concentrate chiefly
against Germany. The Military Convention referred to shall also settle
questions bearing upon an armistice, in so far as these by their
nature come within the scope of the Army Command.

Sec.2. Italy on her part undertakes to carry on war with all the means at
her disposal, together with France, Great Britain and Russia, against
all countries at war with them.

Sec.3. The naval forces of France and Great Britain are to render Italy
undiminished, active assistance until the _destruction of the Austrian
fleet_, or until the moment peace is concluded. A _Naval Convention_
shall be concluded without delay between France, Great Britain and
Italy.

Sec.4. At the coming conclusion of peace Italy is to receive: the
district of the _Trentino; the whole of South Tyrol as far as its
natural geographical boundary, thereby understood the Brenner; the
city and district of Trieste; the provinces of Goerz and Gradisca,
the whole of Istria_ as far as Quarnero, including Volosca and the
Istrian islands of Cherso and Lussin, also the smaller islands of
Plavnica, Unie, Canidolo, Palazzoli, as well as the island of St.
Peter de Nembi, Astinello and Cruica, with the neighbouring islands.

Note: 1. By way of supplement to Sec.4, the frontier shall be drawn
through the following-points: From the peak of the Umbrail in a
northerly direction as far as the Stilfserjoch, and thence along the
watershed of the Ratische Alps as far as the sources of the rivers
Etsch and Eisack, then over the Reschen-Scheideck, the Brenner and the
Oetztaler and Zillertaler Alps; the frontier line then to turn
southwards, cutting the Toblach range, and proceeding as far as the
present frontier of Grein, drawn towards the Alps; following this it
will run to the heights of Tarvis, then, however, pursuing a course
along the watershed of the Julian Alps, over the heights of Predil,
Mangart and Triglav group, and the passes of Podbrda, Podlaneskan and
Idria. From there the frontier continues in a south-easterly direction
to the Schneeberg, so that the basin of the River Save, with its
sources, shall not fall within the Italian territory. From the
Schneeberg the frontier proceeds towards the coast, enclosing Castua,
Matuglie and Volosca in the Italian possessions.

Sec.5. Similarly, Italy is to receive the province of Dalmatia in its
present form, including Lissarik and Trebinje in the north, and all
possessions as far as a line drawn from the coast at Cape Blanca
eastward to the watershed in the south, so as to include in the
Italian possessions all valleys on the course of the rivers debouching
at Sebenico, such as Cikola, Kerke and Budisnica, with all those
situate on their sources. Similarly also, Italy is promised _all the
islands lying north and west of the Dalmatian coast_, beginning with
the islands of Premuda, Selve, Ulbo, Skerda Maon, Pago and Puntadura,
etc., in the north; as far as Malarda in the south, adding also the
islands of St. Andrae, Busi, Lissa, Lessina, Torzola, Curzola, Cazza
and Lagosta, with all rocks and islets thereto pertaining, as well as
Pelagosa, but not to include the islands of Great and Lesser Zirona,
Pua, Solta and Brazza.

The following are to be _neutralised_: (1) The entire coast from Cape
Blanca in the north as far as the southern end of the peninsula of
Sabbioncello, and in the south including the whole of the mentioned
peninsula in the neutralised area; (2) a part of the coast beginning
from a point situate 10 versts south of the cape of Alt-Ragusa, as far
as the river Wojusa in the south, so as to include within the
boundaries of the neutralised zone _the whole of the Bay of Cattaro_
with its ports, Antivari, Dulcigno, San Giovanni di Medua and Durazzo;
this not to affect the declarations of the contracting parties in
April and May, 1909, as to the rights of _Montenegro_.

In consideration, however, of the fact that these rights were only
admitted as applying to the present possessions of Montenegro, they
shall not be so extended as to embrace any lands or ports which may in
the future be ceded to Montenegro. In the same way, no part of the
coast at present belonging to Montenegro shall be subject to future
neutralisation. The restrictions in the case of the port of Antivari,
agreed by Montenegro itself in 1909, remain in force. (3) Finally, the
islands not accorded to Italy.

Note: 3. The following lands in the Adriatic Sea are accorded by the
Powers of the Quadruple Alliance to the territories of _Croatia,
Serbia and Montenegro_: In the north of the Adriatic, _the entire
coast, commencing from the Bay of Volosca_ on the frontier of Istria
as far as the _northern frontier_ of Dalmatia, including the whole of
the coast-line now belonging to Hungary, the entire coast of Croatia,
the port of Fiume and the small harbours of Novi and Carlopago, as
also the islands of Velia, Pervicchio, Gregorio, Goli and Arbe. In the
south of the Adriatic, where Serbia and Austrian interests lie, the
entire coast from Cape Planca as far as the river Drina, with the
principal ports of _Spaluto, Ragusa, Cattaro, Antivari, Dulcigno and
San Giovanni di Medua_, and with the islands of Greater Zirona, Pua,
Solta, Brazza, Jaklian and Calamotta.

The port of Durazzo can be accorded to an independent Mohammedan State
of Albania.

Sec.6. Italy to be given full possession of _Valona, the Island of
Sasseno_, and a sufficiently extensive territory to protect it in
military respects, approximately from the River Vojusa in the north
and east to the boundary of the Chimara district in the south.

Sec.7. Italy, receiving the Trentino according to Sec.4, Dalmatia and the
islands of the Adriatic according to Sec.5, as well as Valona, is not to
oppose the possible wishes of France, Great Britain and Russia in case
of the establishment of a small autonomous neutralised state in
Albania, as to _division of the northern and southern frontier belts
of Albania between Montenegro, Serbia and Greece_. The southern strip
of coast from the frontier of the Italian district of Valona as far as
Cape Stiloa to be subject to neutralisation.

Italy has the prospect of _right to determine the foreign policy of
Albania_; in any case, Italy undertakes to assent to the cession of a
sufficient territory to Albania to make the frontiers of the latter on
the west of the Ochrida Lake coincide with the frontiers of Greece and
Serbia.

Sec.8. Italy to have full possession of all the _islands of the
Dodecanessus_ which it occupies at present.

Sec.9. France, Great Britain and Russia accept in principle the fact of
_Italy's interest in maintaining political equilibrium_ in the
Mediterranean, as also Italy's right, in case of any _division of
Turkey, to a like portion with themselves_ in the basin of the
Mediterranean, and that in the part adjacent to the _province of
Adalia_, where Italy has already acquired particular rights, and
developed particular interests, to be noted in the Italo-British
Convention. The zone then falling to the possession of Italy will in
due time be determined according to the vital interests of France and
Great Britain. Similarly, the interests of Italy are also to be
considered in case the territorial integrity of Asiatic Turkey should
be maintained by the Powers for a further period, and only a
limitation between the spheres of interest be made. Should, in such
case, any areas of Asiatic Turkey be occupied by France, Great Britain
and Russia during the present war, then the entire area contiguous to
Italy, and further defined below, shall be granted to Italy, together
with the right to occupy the same.

Sec.10. In Lybia, Italy is to be granted all rights and claims hitherto
conceded to the Sultan on the basis of the Treaty of Lausanne.

Sec.11. Italy to receive such part of the war contribution as shall be
commensurate with her sacrifices and efforts.

Sec.12. Italy subscribes to the declaration issued by France, England and
Russia whereby _Arabia and the holy cities of the Mohammedans_ are to
be granted to _an independent Mohammedan Power_.

Sec.13. In case of any extension of the French and English colonial
possessions in Africa at the expense of Germany, France and Great
Britain acknowledge in principle the right of Italy to demand certain
compensation in respect of extension of Italian possessions in
Eritrea, Somaliland, in Lybia, and the colonial areas contiguous to
the colonies of France and England.

Sec.14. England undertakes to facilitate the immediate realisation of _a
loan of not less than 50 million pounds sterling_ in the English
market on favourable conditions.

Sec.15. France, England and Russia undertake to support Italy in
_preventing the representatives of the Holy See from taking any
diplomatic steps whatever in connection with the conclusion of a
peace_, or the regulation of questions connected with the present war.

Sec.16. The present treaty to be _kept secret_. As regards Italy's
agreement to the declaration of September 5, 1914, this declaration
will be made public as soon as war is declared by Italy or against
Italy.

The foregoing points having been duly noted, the respective authorised
representatives of France, Great Britain and Russia, together with the
representative of Italy similarly authorised by his Government for
this purpose, are agreed: France, Great Britain and Russia declare
their full agreement with the foregoing notable points, as set before
them by the Italian Government. With regard to Sec.Sec.1, 2 and 3, referring
to the agreement upon military and naval undertakings of all four
Powers, _Italy undertakes to commence active operations at the
earliest possible date_, and in any case not later than one month
after the signing of the present document by the contracting parties.

The present agreement, in four copies, signed in London on the 26th
April, 1915, and sealed, by

Sir Edward Grey,
Cambon,
Marchese Imperiali,
Graf Benckendorff."

After the entry of Roumania into the war (September, 1916) this
programme was further extended.


2

=Note from Count Czernin to the American Government, dated March 5,
1917=

From the _aide-memoire_ of the American Ambassador in Vienna, dated
February 18 of this year, the Imperial and Royal Ministry for Foreign
Affairs understands that the Washington Cabinet entertains some doubt,
in view of the statements issued by the Imperial and Royal Government
on February 10 and January 11 of this year, as to what attitude
Austria-Hungary contemplates adopting for the future with regard to
submarine warfare, and whether the assurance given by the Austrian
Government to the Washington Cabinet in the course of the proceedings
with regard to the case of the vessels _Ancona_ and _Persia_ might not
be taken as altered or withdrawn by the statements mentioned.

The Austrian Government is most willing to meet the desire of the
United States Government that this doubt should be removed by a clear
and final declaration.

It should here be permitted first of all to touch very briefly on the
methods adopted by the Allied Powers in marine warfare, since these
form the starting-point of the aggravated submarine warfare put into
practice by Austria-Hungary and her allies, besides throwing a clear
light upon the attitude hitherto adopted by the Austrian Government in
the questions arising therefrom.

When Great Britain entered upon the war with the Central Powers, but a
few years had elapsed since the memorable time when Great Britain
itself, together with the remaining states, had commenced at the Hague
to lay the foundations of a modern code of law for marine warfare.
Shortly after that the English Government had brought about a meeting
of representatives of the principal naval Powers, assembling in
London, in order further to carry forward the work commenced at the
Hague, presumably in a spirit of reasonable compromise between the
interests of belligerents and those of neutrals. The unexpected
success of these endeavours, which aimed at nothing less than
concerted establishment of legal standards calculated to maintain the
freedom of the seas and the interests of neutrals even in time of war,
was not to be long enjoyed by the peoples concerned.

Hardly had the United Kingdom decided to take part in the war than it
also began to break through the barriers with which it was confronted
by the standards of international law. While the Central Powers
immediately on the outbreak of war had announced their intention of
observing the Declaration of London, which also bore the signature of
the British representative, England discarded the most important
points in that Declaration. In the endeavour to cut off the Central
Powers from all supplies by sea, England gradually extended the list
of contraband until it included everything now required by human
beings for the maintenance of life. Great Britain then placed all the
coasts of the North Sea--an important transit-way also for the
maritime trade of Austria-Hungary--under the obstruction of a
so-called "blockade," in order to prevent the entry into Germany of
all goods not yet inscribed on the contraband list, as also to bar all
neutral traffic with those coasts, and prevent any export from the
same. That this method of proceeding stands in the most lurid
contradiction to the standards of blockade law arrived at and
established by international congress has already been admitted by the
President of the United States in words which will live in the history
of the law of nations. By this illegally preventing export of goods
from the Central Powers Great Britain thought to be able to shut down
the innumerable factories and industries which had been set up by
industrious and highly-developed peoples in the heart of Europe; and
to bring the workers to idleness and thence to want and revolt. And
when Austria-Hungary's southern neighbour joined the ranks of the
enemies of the Central Powers her first step was to declare a
blockade of all the coasts of her opponent--following the example, of
course, of her Allies--in disregard of the legal precepts which Italy
had shortly before helped to lay down. Austria-Hungary did not fail to
point out to the neutral Powers at once that this blockade was void of
all legal validity.

For two years the Central Powers have hesitated. Not until then, and
after long and mature consideration for and against, did they proceed
to answer in like measure and close with their adversaries at sea. As
the only belligerents who had done everything to secure the observance
of the agreement which should provide for freedom of the seas to
neutrals, it was sorely against their wishes to bow to the need of the
moment and attack that freedom; but they took that step in order to
fulfil their urgent duty to their peoples and with the conviction that
the step in question must lead towards the freedom of the seas in the
end. The declarations made by the Central Powers on the last day of
January of this year are only apparently directed against the rights
of neutrals; as a matter of fact, they are working toward the
restitution of those rights which the enemy has constantly infringed
and would, if victorious, annihilate for ever. The submarines, then,
which circle round England's shores, announce to all peoples using and
needing the sea--and who does not need it?--that the day is not far
off when the flags of all nations shall wave over the seas in newly
acquired freedom.

It may doubtless be hoped that this announcement will find echo
wherever neutral peoples live, and that it will be understood in
particular by the great people of the United States of America, whose
most famous representative has in the course of the war spoken up with
ardent words for the freedom of the seas as the highway of all
nations. If the people and the government of the Union will bear in
mind that the "blockade" established by Great Britain is intended not
only to force the Central Powers to submission by starvation but
ultimately to secure undisputed mastery of the sea for itself, and
thereby ensure its supremacy over all other nations, while on the
other hand the blockading of England and its Allies only serves to
render possible _a peace with honour_ for these Powers and to
guarantee to all peoples the freedom of navigation and maritime trade,
thus ensuring their safe existence, then the question as to which of
the two belligerent parties has right on its side is already decided.
Though the Central Powers are far from wishing to seek for further
allies in their struggle, they nevertheless feel justified in claiming
that neutrals should appreciate their endeavours to bring to life
again the principles of international law and the equal rights of
nations.

Proceeding now to answer the questions set forth in the memorandum of
February 18 of this year, already referred to, the Austrian Government
would first of all remark that in the exchange of Notes in the cases
of the _Ancona_ and _Persia_ this Government restricted itself to
consideration of the concrete questions which had up to then arisen,
without setting forth the legal position in point of principle. In the
Note of December 29, 1915, however, regarding the _Ancona_ case it
reserved the right to bring up the intricate questions of
international law connected with the submarine warfare for discussion
at a later date. In reverting now to this point, and taking up the
question as to sinking of enemy ships, with which the memorandum is
concerned, for brief consideration, it is with the hope that it may be
made clear to the American Government that the Austrian Government now
as heretofore _holds immovably by the assurance already given_, and
with the endeavour to avoid any misunderstanding between the Monarchy
and the American Union by clearing up the most important question
arising out of the submarine warfare--most important as it rests on
the dictates of humanity.

First and foremost the Austrian Government wishes to point out that
the thesis advanced by the American Government and adopted in many
learned works--to the effect that enemy merchant vessels, save in the
event of attempted flight or resistance, should not be destroyed
without provision for the safety of those on board--is also, in the
opinion of the Austrian Government itself, the kernel, so to speak, of
the whole matter. Regarded from a higher point of view, this theory
can at any rate be considered in connection with possible
circumstances, and its application be more closely defined; from the
dictates of humanity, which the Austrian Government and the Washington
Cabinet have equally adopted as their guide, we can lay down the
general principle that, in exercising the right to destroy enemy
merchant shipping, loss of life should be avoided as far as possible.
This necessitates a warning on the part of the belligerent before
exercising the right of destruction. And he can here adopt the method
indicated by the theory of the Union Government referred to, according
to which _the commander of the warship himself issues a warning to the
vessel about to be sunk_, so that crew and passengers can be brought
into safety at the last moment; or, on the other hand, the Government
of the belligerent state can, when it is considered an imperative
necessity of war, give warning, with complete effect, _before the
sailing of the vessel_ to be sunk; or, finally, such Government can,
when preparing comprehensive measures against the enemy traffic at
sea, have recourse to _a general warning applicable to all enemy
vessels concerned_.

That the principle as to providing for the safety of persons on board
is liable to exceptions has been admitted by the Union Government
itself. The Austrian Government believes, however, that destruction
without warning is not only justifiable in cases of attempted escape
or resistance. It would seem, to take one instance only, that the
character of the vessel itself should be taken into consideration;
thus merchant ships or other private craft, placed in the service of
war operations, whether as transports or guardships, or with a
military crew or weapons on board for the purpose of any kind of
hostilities, should doubtless, according to general law, be liable to
destruction without notice. The Austrian Government need not go into
the question of how far a belligerent is released from any obligation
as to provision for safety of human life when his opponent sinks enemy
merchant vessels without such previous warning, as in the well-known
cases, previously referred to, of the _Elektra_, _Dubrovnik_,
_Zagreb_, etc., since, in this respect, despite its evident right, the
Austrian Government itself has never returned like for like.
Throughout the entire course of the war Austro-Hungarian warships have
not destroyed a single enemy merchant vessel without previous warning,
though this may have been of a general character.

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