Book: History of the Expedition to Russia

C >> Count Philip de Segur >> History of the Expedition to Russia




We were upon the verge of the Russian frontier; from right to left, or
from south to north, the army was disposed in the following manner, in
front of the Niemen. In the first place, on the extreme right, and
issuing from Gallicia, on Drogiczin, Prince Schwartzenberg and 34,000
Austrians; on their left, coming from Warsaw, and marching on Bialystok
and Grodno, the King of Westphalia, at the head of 79,200 Westphalians,
Saxons, and Poles; by the side of them was the Viceroy of Italy, who had
just effected the junction, near Marienpol and Pilony, of 79,500
Bavarians, Italians and French; next, the emperor, with 220,000 men,
commanded by the King of Naples, the Prince of Eckmuehl, the Dukes of
Dantzic, Istria, Reggio, and Elchingen. They advanced from Thorn,
Marienwerder, and Elbing, and, on the 23d of June, had assembled in a
single mass near Nogarisky, a league above Kowno. Finally, in front of
Tilsit, was Macdonald, and 32,500 Prussians, Bavarians, and Poles,
composing the extreme left of the grand army.

Every thing was now ready. From the banks of the Guadalquivir, and the
shores of the Calabrian sea, to the Vistula, were assembled 617,000 men,
of whom 480,000 were already present; one siege and six bridge
equipages, thousands of provision-waggons, innumerable herds of oxen,
1372 pieces of cannon, and thousands of artillery and hospital-waggons,
had been directed, assembled, and stationed at a short distance from the
Russian frontier river. The greatest part of the provision-waggons were
alone behind.

Sixty thousand Austrians, Prussians, and Spaniards, were preparing to
shed their blood for the conqueror of Wagram, of Jena, and of Madrid;
for the man who had four times beaten down the power of Austria, who had
humbled Prussia, and invaded Spain. And yet all were faithful to him.
When it was considered that one-third of the army of Napoleon was either
foreign to him or hostile, one hardly knew at which most to be
astonished,--the audacity of one party, or the resignation of the other.
It was in this manner that Rome made her conquests contribute to her
future means for conquering.

As to us Frenchmen, he found us all full of ardour. Habit, curiosity,
and the pleasure of exhibiting themselves in the character of masters in
new countries, actuated the soldiers; vanity was the great stimulant of
the younger ones, who thirsted to acquire some glory which they might
recount, with the attractive quackery peculiar to soldiers; these
inflated and pompous narratives of their exploits being moreover
indispensable to their relaxation when no longer under arms. To this
must certainly be added, the hope of plunder; for the exacting ambition
of Napoleon had as often disgusted his soldiers, as the disorders of the
latter tarnished his glory. A compromise was necessary: ever since 1805,
there was a sort of mutual understanding, on his part to wink at their
plunder--on theirs, to suffer his ambition.

This plunder, however, or rather, this marauding system, was generally
confined to provisions, which, in default of supplies, were exacted of
the inhabitants, but often too extravagantly. The most culpable
plunderers were the stragglers, who are always numerous in frequent
forced marches. These disorders, indeed, were never tolerated. In order
to repress them, Napoleon left _gendarmes_ and flying columns on the
track of the army; and when these stragglers subsequently rejoined their
corps, their knapsacks were examined by their officers; or, as was the
case at Austerlitz, by their comrades; and strict justice was then
executed among themselves.

The last levies were certainly too young and too feeble; but the army
had still a stock of brave and experienced men, used to critical
situations, and whom nothing could intimidate. They were recognizable at
the first glance by their martial countenances, and by their
conversation; they had no other past nor future but war; and they could
talk of nothing else. Their officers were worthy of them, or at least
were becoming so; for, in order to preserve the due authority of their
rank over such men, it was necessary for them to have wounds to show,
and to be able to appeal to their own exploits.

Such was, at that period, the life of those men; all was action within
its sphere, even to words. They often boasted too much, but even that
had its advantage; for as they were incessantly put to the proof, it was
then necessary for them to be what they wished to appear. Such
especially is the character of the Poles; they boast in the first
instance of being more than they have been, but not more than they are
capable of being. Poland in fact is a nation of heroes! pawning their
words for exploits beyond the truth, but subsequently redeeming them
with honour, in order to verify what at first was neither true nor even
probable.

As to the old generals, some of them were no longer the hardy and simple
warriors of the republic; honours, hard service, age, and the emperor
particularly, had contributed to soften many of them down. Napoleon
compelled them to adopt a luxurious style of living by his example and
his orders; according to him, it was a means of influencing the
multitude. It might be also, that such habits prevented them from
accumulating property, which might have made them independent; for,
being himself the source of riches, he was glad to to keep up the
necessity of repairing to it, and in this manner to bring them back
within his influence. He had, therefore, pushed his generals into a
circle from which it was difficult to escape; forcing them to pass
incessantly from want to prodigality, and from prodigality to want,
which he alone was able to relieve.

Several had nothing but their appointments, which accustomed them to an
ease of living with which they could no longer dispense. If he made them
grants of land, it was out of his conquests, which were exposed to
insecurity by war, and which war only could preserve.

But in order to retain them in dependence, glory, which with some was a
habit, with others a passion, with all a want, was the all-sufficient
stimulant; and Napoleon, absolute master as he was of his own century,
and even dictating to history, was the distributor of that glory. Though
he fixed it at a high price, there was no rejecting his conditions; one
would have felt ashamed to confess one's weakness in presence of his
strength, and to stop short before a man whose ambition was still
mounting, great as was the elevation which he had already attained.

Besides, the renown of so great an expedition was full of charm; its
success seemed certain; it promised to be nothing but a military march
to Petersburgh and Moscow. With this last effort his wars would probably
be terminated. It was a last opportunity, which one would repent to have
let escape; one would be annoyed by the glorious narratives which others
would give of it. The victory of to-day would make that of yesterday so
old! And who would wish to grow old with it?

And then, when war was kindled in all quarters, how was it possible to
avoid it? The scenes of action were not indifferent; here Napoleon would
command in person; elsewhere, though the cause might be the same, the
contest would be carried on under a different commander. The renown
shared with the latter would be foreign to Napoleon, on whom,
nevertheless, depended glory, fortune, every thing; and it was well
known, whether from preference or policy, that he was only profuse in
his favours to those whose glory was identified with his glory; and that
he rewarded less generously such exploits as were not his. It was
requisite, therefore, to serve in the army which he commanded; hence the
anxiety of young and old to fill its ranks. What chief had ever before
so many means of power? There was no hope which he could not flatter,
excite, or satiate.

Finally, we loved him as the companion of our labours; as the chief who
had conducted us to renown. The astonishment and admiration which he
inspired flattered our self-love; for all these we shared in common with
him.

With respect to that youthful _elite_, which in those times of glory
filled our camps, its enthusiasm was natural. Who is there amongst us
who, in his early years, has not been fired by the perusal of the
warlike exploits of the ancients and of our ancestors? Should we not
have all desired, at that time, to be the heroes whose real or
fictitious history we were perusing? During that state of enthusiasm, if
those recollections had been suddenly realized before us; if our eyes,
instead of reading, had witnessed the performance of those wonders; if
we had felt their sphere of action within our reach, and if employments
had been offered to us by the side of those brave paladins, whose
adventurous lives and brilliant renown our young and vivid imaginations
had so much envied; which of us would have hesitated? Who is there that
would not have rushed forward, replete with joy and hope, and disdaining
an odious and scandalous repose?

Such were the rising generations of that day. At that period every one
was free to be ambitious! a period of intoxication and prosperity,
during which the French soldier, lord of all things by victory,
considered himself greater than the nobleman, or even the sovereign,
whose states he traversed! To him it appeared as if the kings of Europe
only reigned by permission of his chief and of his arms.

Thus it was that habit attracted some, disgust at camp service others;
novelty prompted the greater part, and especially the thirst of glory:
but all were stimulated by emulation. In fine, confidence in a chief who
had been always fortunate, and hope of an early victory, which would
terminate the war at a blow, and restore us to our firesides; for a war,
to the entire army of Napoleon (as it was to some volunteers of the
court of Louis XIV.) was often no more than a single battle, or a short
and brilliant journey.

We were now about to reach the extremity of Europe, where never European
army had been before! We were about to erect new columns of Hercules.
The grandeur of the enterprise; the agitation of co-operating Europe;
the imposing spectacle of an army of 400,000 foot and 80,000 horse: so
many warlike reports and martial clamours, kindled the minds of veterans
themselves. It was impossible for the coldest to remain unmoved amid the
general impulse; to escape from the universal attraction.

In conclusion;--independent of all these motives for animation, the
composition of the army was good, and every good army is desirous of
war.




BOOK IV.




CHAPTER I.


Napoleon, satisfied with his preparations, at length declared himself.
"Soldiers," said he, "the second Polish war is commenced. The first was
concluded at Friedland and at Tilsit. At Tilsit, Russia swore eternal
alliance with France, and war with England. She now violates her oaths.
She will give no explanation of her capricious conduct, until the French
eagles have repassed the Rhine; by that means leaving our allies at her
mercy. Russia is hurried away by fatality; her destiny must be
accomplished. Does she then believe us to be degenerated? Are we not
still the soldiers of Austerlitz? She places us between war and
dishonour; the choice cannot be doubtful. Let us advance, then; let us
pass the Niemen, and carry the war into her territory! The second Polish
war will be as glorious for the French arms as the first; but the peace
we shall this time conclude will carry with it its own guarantee; it
will put an end to the fatal influence which Russia for the last fifty
years has exercised over the affairs of Europe."

This tone, which was at that time deemed prophetic, befitted an
expedition of an almost fabulous character. It was quite necessary to
invoke Destiny, and give credit to its empire, when the fate of so many
human beings, and so much glory, were about to be consigned to its
mercy.

The Emperor Alexander also harangued his army, but in a very different
manner. The difference between the two nations, the two sovereigns, and
their reciprocal position, were remarked in these proclamations. In
fact, the one which was defensive was unadorned and moderate; the other,
offensive, was replete with audacity and the confidence of victory. The
first sought support in religion, the other in fatality; the one in love
of country, the other in love of glory; but neither of them referred to
the liberation of Poland, which was the real cause of contention.

We marched towards the east, with our left towards the north, and our
right towards the south. On our right, Volhynia invoked us with all her
prayers; in the centre, were Wilna, Minsk, and the whole of Lithuania,
and Samogitia; in front of our left, Courland and Livonia awaited their
fate in silence.

The army of Alexander, composed of 300,000 men, kept those provinces in
awe. From the banks of the Vistula, from Dresden, from Paris itself,
Napoleon had critically surveyed it. He had ascertained that its centre,
commanded by Barclay, extended from Wilna and Kowno to Lida and Grodno,
resting its right on Vilia, and its left on the Niemen.

That river protected the Russian front by the deviation which it makes
from Grodno to Kowno; for it was only in the interval between these two
cities, that the Niemen, running toward the north, intersected the line
of our attack, and served as a frontier to Lithuania. Before reaching
Grodno, and on quitting Kowno, it flows westward.

To the south of Grodno was Bagration, with 65,000 men, in the direction
of Wolkowisk; to the north of Kowno, at Rossiana and Keydani,
Wittgenstein, with 26,000 men, substituted their bayonets for that
natural frontier.

At the same time, another army of 50,000 men, called the reserve, was
assembled at Lutsk, in Volhynia, in order to keep that province in
check, and observe Schwartzenberg; it was confided to Tormasof, till the
treaty about to be signed at Bucharest permitted Tchitchakof, and the
greater part of the army in Moldavia, to unite with it.

Alexander, and, under him, his minister of war, Barclay de Tolly,
directed all these forces. They were divided into three armies, called,
the first western army, under Barclay; the second western army, under
Bagration; and the army of reserve, under Tormasof. Two other corps were
forming; one at Mozyr, in the environs of Bobruisk; and the other at
Riga and Duenabourg. The reserves were at Wilna and Swentziany. In
conclusion, a vast entrenched camp was erected before Drissa, within an
elbow of the Duena.

The French emperor's opinion was, that this position behind the Niemen
was neither offensive nor defensive, and that the Russian army was no
better off for the purpose of effecting a retreat; that this army, being
so much scattered over a line of sixty leagues, might be surprised and
dispersed, as actually happened to it; that, with still more certainty,
the left of Barclay, and the entire army of Bagration, being stationed
at Lida and at Wolkowisk, in front of the marshes of the Berezina, which
they covered, instead of being covered by them, might be thrown back on
them and taken; or, at least, that an abrupt and direct attack on Kowno
and Wilna would cut them off from their line of operation, indicated by
Swentziany and the entrenched camp at Drissa.

In fact, Doctorof and Bagration were already separated from that line;
for, instead of remaining in mass with Alexander, in front of the roads
leading to the Duena, to defend them and profit by them, they were
stationed forty leagues to the right.

For this reason it was that Napoleon separated his forces into five
armies. While Schwartzenberg, advancing from Gallicia with his 30,000
Austrians, (whose numbers he had orders to exaggerate,) would keep
Tormasof in check, and draw the attention of Bagration towards the
south; while the King of Westphalia, with his 80,000 men, would employ
that general in front, towards Grodno, without pressing him too
vehemently at first; and while the Viceroy of Italy, in the direction of
Pilony, would be in readiness to interpose between the same Bagration
and Barclay; in fine, while at the extreme left, Macdonald, debouching
from Tilsit, would invade the north of Lithuania, and fall on the right
of Wittgenstein; Napoleon himself, with his 200,000 men, was to
precipitate himself on Kowno, on Wilna, and on his rival, and destroy
him at the first shock.

Should the Emperor of Russia give way, he would press him hard, and
throw him back upon Drissa, and as far as the commencement of his line
of operations; then, all at once, propelling his detachments to the
right, he would surround Bagration, and the whole of the corps of the
Russian left, which, by this rapid irruption, would be separated from
their right.

I will shortly sketch a brief and rapid summary of the history of our
two wings, being anxious to return to the centre, and to be enabled
uninterruptedly to exhibit the great scenes which were enacted there.
Macdonald commanded the left wing; his invasion, supported by the
Baltic, overcame the right wing of the Russians; it threatened Revel
first, next Riga, and even Petersburgh. He soon reached Riga. The war
became stationary under its walls; although of little importance, it was
conducted by Macdonald with prudence, science, and glory, even in his
retreat, to which he was neither compelled by the winter nor by the
enemy, but solely by Napoleon's orders.

With regard to his right wing, the emperor had counted on the support of
Turkey, which failed him. He had inferred that the Russian army of
Volhynia would follow the general movement of Alexander's retreat; but,
on the contrary, Tormasof advanced upon our rear. The French army was
thus uncovered, and menaced with being turned on those vast plains.
Nature not supplying it in that quarter with any support, as she did on
the left wing, it was necessarily compelled to rely entirely on itself.
Forty thousand Saxons, Austrians, and Poles, remained there in
observation.

Tormasof was beaten; but another army, rendered available by the treaty
of Bucharest, arrived and formed a junction with the remnant of the
first. From that moment, the war upon that point became defensive. It
was carried on feebly, as was to be expected, notwithstanding some
Polish troops and a French general were left with the Austrian army.
That general had been long and strenuously cried up for ability,
although he had met with reverses, and his reputation was not
undeserved.

No decisive advantage was gained on either side. But the position of
this corps, almost entirely Austrian, became more and more important, as
the grand army retreated upon it. It will be seen whether Schwartzenberg
deceived its confidence,--whether he left us to be surrounded on the
Berezina,--and whether it be true, that he seemed on that occasion to
aspire to no other character than that of an armed witness to the great
dispute.




CHAP. II.


Between these two wings, the grand army marched to the Niemen, in three
separate masses. The king of Westphalia, with 80,000 men, moved upon
Grodno; the viceroy of Italy, with 75,000 men, upon Pilony; Napoleon,
with 220,000 men, upon Nogaraiski, a farm situated three leagues beyond
Kowno. The 23d of June, before daylight, the imperial column reached the
Niemen, but without seeing it. The borders of the great Prussian forest
of Pilwisky, and the hills which line the river, concealed the great
army, which was about to cross it.

Napoleon, who had travelled in a carriage as far as that, mounted his
horse at two o'clock in the morning. He reconnoitred the Russian river,
without disguising himself, as has been falsely asserted, but under
cover of the night crossing this frontier, which five months afterwards
he was only enabled to repass under cover of the same obscurity. When he
came up to the bank, his horse suddenly stumbled, and threw him on the
sand. A voice exclaimed, "This is a bad omen; a Roman would recoil!" It
is not known whether it was himself, or one of his retinue, who
pronounced these words.

His task of reconnoitring concluded, he gave orders that, at the close
of the following day, three bridges should be thrown over the river,
near the village of Poniemen; he then retired to his head-quarters,
where he passed the whole day, sometimes in his tent, sometimes in a
Polish house, listlessly reclined, in the midst of a breathless
atmosphere, and a suffocating heat, vainly courting repose.

On the return of night, he again made his approaches to the river. The
first who crossed it were a few sappers in a small boat. They approached
the Russian side with some degree of apprehension, but found no obstacle
to oppose their landing. There they found peace; the war was entirely on
their own side; all was tranquil on that foreign soil, which had been
described to them as so menacing. A single officer of cossacks, however,
on patrole, presented himself to their view. He was alone, and appeared
to consider himself in full peace, and to be ignorant that the whole of
Europe in arms was at hand. He inquired of the strangers who they
were?--"Frenchmen!" they replied.--"What do you want?" rejoined the
officer; "and wherefore do you come into Russia?"--A sapper briskly
replied, "To make war upon you; to take Wilna; to deliver Poland."--The
cossack then withdrew; he disappeared in the woods, into which three of
our soldiers, giving vent to their ardour, and with a view to sound the
forest, discharged their fire-arms.

Thus it was, that the feeble report of three muskets, to which there was
no reply, apprised us of the opening of a new campaign, and the
commencement of a great invasion.

Either from a feeling of prudence, or from presentiment, this first
signal of war threw the emperor into a state of violent irritation.
Three hundred voltigeurs immediately passed the river, in order to cover
the erection of the bridges.

The whole of the French columns then began to issue from the valleys and
the forest. They advanced in silence to the river, under cover of thick
darkness. It was necessary to touch them in order to recognize their
presence. Fires, even to sparks, were forbidden; they slept with arms in
their hands, as if in the presence of an enemy. The crops of green rye,
moistened with a profuse dew, served as beds to the men, and provender
to the horses.

The night, its coolness preventing sleep, its obscurity prolonging the
hours, and augmenting wants; finally, the dangers of the following day,
every thing combined to give solemnity to this position. But the
expectation of a great battle supported our spirits. The proclamation of
Napoleon had just been read; the most remarkable passages of it were
repeated in a whisper, and the genius of conquest kindled our
imagination.

Before us was the Russian frontier. Our ardent gaze already sought to
invade the promised land of our glory athwart the shades of night. We
seemed to hear the joyful acclamations of the Lithuanians, at the
approach of their deliverers. We pictured to ourselves the banks of the
river lined with their supplicating hands. Here, we were in want of
every thing; there, every thing would be lavished upon us! The
Lithuanians would hasten to supply our wants; we were about to be
encircled by love and gratitude. What signified one unpleasant night?
The day would shortly appear, and with it its warmth and all its
illusions. The day did appear! and it revealed to us dry and desert
sands, and dark and gloomy forests. Our eyes then reverted sadly upon
ourselves, and we were again inspired by pride and hope, on observing
the imposing spectacle of our united army.

[Illustration: Passage of the Niemen]

Three hundred yards from the river, on the most elevated height, the
tent of the emperor was visible. Around it the hills, their slopes, and
the subjacent valleys, were covered with men and horses. As soon as the
earth exhibited to the sun those moving masses, clothed with glittering
arms, the signal was given, and instantly the multitude began to defile
off in three columns, towards the three bridges. They were observed to
take a winding direction, as they descended the narrow plain which
separated them from the Niemen, to approach it, to reach the three
passages, to compress and prolong their columns, in order to traverse
them, and at last reach that foreign soil, which they were about to
devastate, and which they were soon destined to cover with their own
enormous fragments.

So great was their ardour, that two divisions of the advanced guard
disputed for the honour of being the first to pass, and were near coming
to blows; and some exertions were necessary to quiet them. Napoleon
hastened to plant his foot on the Russian territory. He took this first
step towards his ruin without hesitation. At first, he stationed
himself near the bridge, encouraging the soldiers with his looks. The
latter all saluted him with their accustomed acclamations. They
appeared, indeed, more animated than he was; whether it was that he felt
oppressed by the weight of so great an aggression, or that his enfeebled
frame could not support the effect of the excessive heat, or that he was
already intimidated by finding nothing to conquer.

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