Book: Fray Luis de Leon

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As the event proved, the prisoner's protests in this matter were
thoroughly justified. It is easy to perceive this now. We cannot be
sure that we should have taken the same view had we been contemporary
spectators. If appearances were not actually against Luis de Leon,
they combined to reveal him in his least attractive posture. His
comparative promptitude in accepting Mancio as _patrono_, his
unwillingness to abide by his choice, his sudden hostility to Mancio,
his final acceptance of Mancio, are all explicable variations.
Nevertheless they showed a disregard for superficial consistency which
might easily be misinterpreted as caprice. The bias of the court had
been veering away from the prisoner for some time. His series of
actions with respect to Mancio lost him all judicial favour. His
judges considered him as an unreasonable man, a gifted sophist fertile
in inventing objections in and out of season, a hair-splitter
perpetually arguing for argument's sake. Luis de Leon was, as a rule,
so unaccommodating that some of his judges may have begun to think
they understood why he was not universally popular with members of his
own order. Nor did Luis de Leon's demeanour in court serve to
dissipate the atmosphere of almost arrogant rectitude which enveloped
him. He felt bound to criticize the machinery of the Inquisition. He
may easily have seemed to be criticizing those engaged in working the
machinery. At the best of times the procedure of the Court was not
expeditious. For example, though Luis de Leon was arrested on March
27, 1572, the first hearing of his formal defence did not take place
till April 14--more than a fortnight later. More than once Luis de
Leon complained of the Court's delays without going into questions of
motive.[152] In this he was clearly right, for, as we have seen, the
Supreme Inquisition was not wholly satisfied with the progress made.
At other times the prisoner stressed the fact that constant
postponements were apt to do him injury, and he hinted rather plainly
that there was an intention to wear him down by deliberately
prolonging the proceedings.[153] In this conjecture he was almost
certainly wrong. The Valladolid judges had no power to alter the
system which they found in existence; possibly, becoming accustomed to
it, they ended by thinking well of it. Its weak points were naturally
more evident to Luis de Leon, and his torrent of critical remarks may
have seemed to reflect on the intelligence and probity of the Court.
Administrators, however exalted, are human, and even the lowliest of
magistrates is prone to take offence, if given to understand that he
is considered dull and dishonest. Luis de Leon never was betrayed into
using disrespectful language; but his polite formulae could not
conceal the fact that he had no very high opinion of those in whose
hands his fate lay. Nor did the well-meant observance of established
forms on the part of the Court do anything to modify his sentiments.
It was in strict conformity with precedent that he should be adjured
to make a clean breast of it and should be informed that, while
truthfulness would meet with clemency, lying would be severely dealt
with.[154] It is strange that it should have been thought necessary
to use this formula in the case of Luis de Leon--a highly-strung,
sensitive man, with an almost morbid passion for truth. The sole
excuse for the Inquisitors is that this warning was given at the first
sitting. But, at the second sitting, the warning was repeated in
almost identical terms.[155] It seems scarcely possible to show less
tact in the conduct of a difficult case. No doubt the explanation is
that none of the Valladolid judges was sufficiently independent to set
a precedent of his own.

Large allowances must be made for those unhappy men. They cannot
reasonably be blamed for not taking it upon themselves to alter the
established procedure of the Court in which they sat. Their position
was always difficult, and it did not become easier as time went on.
They had good reason to know that a vocal group of influential persons
in Salamanca confidently expected them to condemn Luis de Leon; yet
some of them, at least, were uncomfortably aware that the evidence
before them would not warrant a conviction on the major charges. The
most damaging witnesses--Medina, Castro, and Zuniga--had been called
at a very early stage of the proceedings. These heavy guns had been
fired without destroying the adversary. There was nothing for it now
but to hope for the worst from the reports of the official
_calificadores_, Dr. Cancer, Fray Nicolas Ramos, and Dr. Frechilla,
who did their utmost to fulfil expectations.[156] Lest the
pronouncements of this trio proved unconvincing, the precaution was
taken of excluding evidence. At the beginning of the case, any sort of
second-hand gossip was admitted as evidence on the chance that its
cumulative effect might be damaging to the accused. At Murcia, on
February 4, 1573, a hostile Augustinian, Fray Juan Ciguelo, a man of
doubtful character, was permitted to retail idle chatter on the part
of another Augustinian who averred that Luis de Leon was prone to
saying _Requiems_ too often, and was in the habit of reading Latin
too quickly.[157] Ciguelo's testimony, though malignant, had done no
harm; later on, it was thought more prudent to adopt the opposite
policy and to prevent as many as possible of the witnesses for the
defence from being heard. As late as July 7, 1576, no less than three
interrogatories[158] by Luis de Leon were rejected on the ground that
they were irrelevant (_impertinentes_).[159] It is difficult to
reconcile these decisions, except on the hypothesis that the later
ruling was thought to be more likely to damage Luis de Leon than the
earlier one. In their despair, his adversaries trumped up an assertion
which was easily disproved.[160]

Disorderly and incoherent as it is, the record of the case enables us
to corroborate and, in one or two trifling particulars, to supplement
the details reported by Francisco Pacheco who, in his youth, may
easily have met Luis de Leon and must later have known many who had
seen him. According to that painter's _Libro de Descripcion de
verdaderos Retratos de illustres y memorables varones_, Luis de Leon
was below the middle height; he had a large but shapely head, covered
with thick and rather curly hair which grew densely on the crown; his
brow was broad; his features were more blunt than aquiline; his
complexion was darkish; his green eyes were bright; his aspect was
grave; and, we may add, he was prone to walk quickly. Pacheco, indeed,
regarded Luis de Leon as something of a universal genius: an expert in
mathematics, in jurisprudence, in medicine--and, though self-taught as
a painter--an artist of considerable skill. (This last was a
compliment, coming as it did from the future father-in-law of
Velazquez.) Evidently Pacheco was a whole-hearted admirer whose
enthusiasm needs discounting. However, so far as we can check it, his
account seems to be correct in the matter of direct observation. The
fact that there is scarcely one flash of humour in the interminable
record of the Valladolid trial confirms Pacheco's report of the
prisoner's habitual gravity. No doubt the tragic circumstances in
which he found himself were not conducive to displays of humour. When
being tried for his life, the merriest of men does not dwell on the
innate absurdity of things. Humour was, however, one of the few gifts
which nature had denied to Luis de Leon. He was aware of this himself,
to judge from his statement that he had nothing of the jester or
scoffer in him.[161] But if Luis de Leon was relatively poor in
humour, he had an abundant store of mordant sarcasm and a faculty for
ironic banter, as Medina and Castro learned to their chagrin.[162]
Pacheco's opinion of Luis de Leon's versatile talent is borne out by
the scrap of evidence given at the trial by Francisco de Salinas--the
sightless dedicatee of _El aire se serena_. Salinas bore witness that
some of Luis de Leon's admirers were persuaded that he could carry any
University chair against all competition.[163] Evidently to those who
met him frequently Luis de Leon conveyed the impression of
irresistible talent. Though students voted in professorial elections
at Salamanca, and supported Luis de Leon loyally, he did nothing to
conciliate them, and expressed his opinion of them with unquestionable
candour. We gather that he was profoundly attached to the ancient
order of things[164] and that, though accused of interpreting the
Bible in a rabbinical sense, he had never read a rabbinical book.[165]
We learn that among his teachers were Guevara, Mancio, Cipriano, and
Melchor Cano;[166] of these he would seem most to have esteemed
Cano.[167] With such masters, and being the man he was, Luis de Leon
would naturally have got together a good theological library, and he
was allowed to have some of his books in his prison-cell; it is but
natural that most of his requests should be for theological works
which would be of service in preparing his defence on technical
points. Reading was his sole solace during his imprisonment, and it
is noticeable that, whenever he asks for a book he speaks of it--not
with the dry, meticulous precision of a bibliographer but--with all
the caressing detail of a genuine book-lover. He indicates the sizes
of the various works which he needs, describes their bindings, and
mentions in what part of his monastery-cell they will be found. He
wants a Vatable with gilt edges, bound in black; it should be found in
a case for smaller volumes which lies on his writing-table. He asks
for a Bible, printed by Plantin, bound in black leather and fastened
with black silk ribbons. He demands a Biblical concordance which is in
folio. This lies on a high shelf near the window.[168] He begs to have
the works of St. Justin, which will be found in the shelves on the
left as you enter his monastery-cell. But not all his requests are for
theological works. A true son of the Renaissance, he finds
entertainment or instruction in communing with the best of antiquity.
When in this mood he asks for his Aristotle bound in sheep's-skin; it
will be found in the shelves on the right as you enter the
monastery-cell. He would like a Horace and a Virgil--of which there
are a great many ('_de que hay hartos_'), so that he does not
particularize. He wants his Homer (in Greek and Latin) bound in
sheep's-skin, and with red edges; it will be found in the shelves
where the works of St. Justin are.[169] Again, besides the works of
St. Leo, bound in parchment, he asks for his Sophocles in black calf;
for a Pindar (in Greek and Latin), bound partly in black leather, with
gilt edges; and for _Le prose dil Bembo_, a volume in small quarto
with a parchment binding.[170] This throws light on Luis de Leon's
progress as a linguist. An imprisoned man who asks for an Italian book
to becalm his fever may be safely presumed to know that language. In
or about 1569 when Arias Montano read aloud the anonymous Italian work
which disturbed Zuniga's scrupulous conscience, Luis de Leon, though
of course able to catch the author's drift, did not really know
Italian at that time.[171] This deficiency had been made good, as he
gives us to understand, previous to March 12, 1573--twenty eight
months, or more, before Luis de Leon asked that his copy of _Le prose
dil Bembo_ should be given to him in prison.

The record of the Valladolid trial likewise reveals to us some of Luis
de Leon's intellectual foibles. But these were extremely few. Towards
the end of the proceedings at Valladolid the Inquisitionary judges
there summoned before them Juan Galvan, a young theological student
who lodged with Salinas, the blind musician. Galvan testified that for
about two years he had discussed matters of theology, mathematics, and
astrology with Luis de Leon.[172] It may astonish some that Luis de
Leon toyed with the pseudo-science of astrology: it cannot have
surprised his judges for, on April 18, 1572, while still bewildered as
to the cause of his arrest, he had stated to them in writing that he
had read a compilation on astrology which had been lent to him by a
student named Poza, a licentiate in canon law. Poza seems to have
doubted whether he ought to keep such a work, and consulted Luis de
Leon on the question. Luis de Leon dipped into the book, and came
finally to the conclusion that the whole thing was rubbish. But he
found in the work some curious observations, and was tempted to make
at least one experiment which involved the use of a pious formula. The
owner of the book left Salamanca to avoid an epidemic which was then
raging there. Luis de Leon had expected a visit from Poza that day,
and had intended to burn the volume in Poza's presence. He carried out
the main part of his intention by burning the work in the presence of
Fray Bartolome de Carranza, to whom he explained the meaning of this
holocaust. No more was heard of Poza; yet it seems that Luis de Leon's
curiosity as to the possibilities of astrology continued with but
little abatement.[173] This half-belief in astrology as a kind of
black art was widespread during the sixteenth century, and vestiges of
this ingenuous credulity have survived in unexpected quarters till our
own time. It was perhaps unwise of Luis de Leon thus to furnish his
adversaries with ammunition which they might use against him; but
could anything bespeak conscious innocence more strongly than his
voluntary avowal?

Luis de Leon heaped one indiscretion on another. In his protestations
of innocence, he went so far as to suggest to the Court what course it
should take. He told the judges plainly that they ought to order Leon
de Castro to be prosecuted for perjury.[174] Later on, he declared
with vehemence that his detention was without a shadow of legality,
that his imprisonment ought not to continue for a single day, and that
he ought to be compensated for the injury done him.[175] These may
have been truths; but they were decidedly unpalatable, and the
expediency of making these assertions to a prejudiced bench is at
least doubtful. But expediency was not an arm that Luis de Leon could
bring himself to use. He complained again and again of delays,
attributing this loss of time to official mismanagement and
incidentally reflecting on the competency of the judges. As time went
on, and as the prisoner's health grew weaker, he lost patience, making
his complaints of delay more frequently and with increasing
vehemence.[176] He impressed on his hearers the fundamental absurdity
of certain charges against him, and, waxing indignant at the statement
that he had thrown doubt on the coming of Christ, he objected to
having so senseless a jest fathered on him. There was always the
alternative that he might be supposed to have used in earnest the
words imputed to him; in which case, even if the evidence on this
point were far more decisive than it actually was, 'before believing
it, it would be your duty to ascertain whether I had gone out of my
mind at the time, or were drunk'.[177] It is, no doubt, difficult to
meet a contention of this kind; but such a contention is not
calculated to capture the sympathies of a wavering Court. Nor should
it be overlooked that the judges were subjected to continual pressure
from the attacking parties. The official _calificadores_ took a
serious view of Luis de Leon's opinions on the authority of the
Vulgate; they showered reports upon the judges; naturally these
reports did not always agree with one another, but they were unanimous
in one respect; they declared against the teaching of Luis de
Leon,[178] and this perhaps decided the tribunal in giving judgement.
We may think that the court unconsciously allowed itself to be swayed
by personal prejudice against a prisoner who was at no great pains to
conceal his estimate of its capacity. However that may be, it must be
admitted that the decision of the Court had behind it a great body of
what may be called expert opinion. The question of the authority due
to the Vulgate was skilfully kept in the foreground; and the report
of even so liberal-minded a man as the Dominican Hernando del Castillo
was not wholly favourable. Castillo, indeed, came to the conclusion
that Luis de Leon had uttered nothing against faith; but while he
acquitted the prisoner of teaching 'erroneous, temerarious or
scandalous doctrine', he held that Luis de Leon was much to blame for
dealing with the question when and where he did.[179] The opinion of
other _calificadores_ was still more hostile, though it is to be noted
that their hostility diminished as time went on and the hour for the
delivery of a decision drew near.[180]

That decision had at last to be given. It had been put off year after
year. This series of postponements--ordered, despite the wishes of the
prisoner and (as he contended) against his interests--had got on to
Luis de Leon's nerves, had led to occasional moods of depression, and
had betrayed him into a few irritable or intemperate outbursts. But
these results were unintentional. The Valladolid judges were well
aware from the outset that no time was to be lost. As early as July
29, 1572, they delegated a piece of work to one of their commissaries
in Salamanca, and impressed on him the urgency of dispatch.[181] They
secured from Benito Rodriguez, the commissary in question, greater
speed than they attained themselves. This may have been due to
accident, or to incompetence on their part. But the policy of
continual adjournment could not be prolonged for ever. It had lasted
too long for the patience of the Supreme Inquisition:[182]

...even the weariest river
Winds somewhere safe to sea.

On September 28, 1576, a vote was taken on Luis de Leon's case. Seven
members at least were present: Francisco de Menchaca, Andres de Alava,
Luis Tello Maldonado, and Francisco de Albornoz voted that Luis de
Leon should be put to the torture--a moderate amount of torture in
view of his frail health--and, when this was done, the court should
sit again and determine accordingly. Dr. Guijano de Mercado and Dr.
Frechilla took a more lenient view, recommending that, in
consideration of the more exculpatory reports recently given by the
_calificadores_, in consideration also of the replies made by the
prisoner and by Mancio, Luis de Leon should be reprimanded for dealing
with so grave a matter (as the authority of the Vulgate) at an
unsuitable time, before an unsuitable audience; that he should be
called upon to renounce publicly certain views which seemed ambiguous;
that he should be told by his bishop to occupy himself with matters of
general interest; that he should cease lecturing altogether; and that
his _Song of Solomon_, done into Spanish, should be seized. The
Licentiate Pedro de Castro undertook to give his decision in
writing.[183] It may not have been committed to paper: at any rate, it
does not appear in the record. Even the milder judgement of Guijano
and Frechilla seemed excessive to the Supreme Inquisition, which
curtly ordered its deputies at Valladolid to acquit Luis de Leon, to
reprimand him and warn him to be more careful in future, and to
confiscate the manuscript copy of his Spanish version of the _Song of
Solomon_.[184] These orders, dated at Madrid on December 7, 1576,
were, of course, obeyed.[185] As the senior member of the Court, Dr.
Guijano gave the reprimand to which Luis de Leon listened, standing up
while it was pronounced.[186] The date is not stated, but it cannot
have been later than December 15, 1576; for on this day Luis de Leon
applied in writing for an official certificate of acquittal, and for
an order on the accountant of Salamanca University instructing that
officer to pay him arrears of salary from the date of his arrest till
his chair was vacated owing to the lapse of his four years'
tenure.[187] Both applications were granted. But the Ethiopian cannot
change his skin, and it was not till August 13, 1577, that the
petitioner received full satisfaction.[188]




III


[Footnote 53: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 143-144.]

[Footnote 54: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 174-176.]

[Footnote 55: Luis de Leon administered a fund left by the late Dona
Ana Abarca de Sotomayor whose servant Almansa had been. Out of this
fund a life-pension was paid to Almansa (_Documentos ineditos_, vol.
XI, p. 333), of whom Luis de Leon formed a good opinion as appears
from his request of December 20, 1572 (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X,
p. 248): 'Yo entiendo que con la mudanza de los priores estara
trastornada toda mi celda, y en poco tiempo faltara lo mas della,
porque conozco en esto la condicion de mi gente; y podra ser tener yo
necesidad para mi negocio de algunas cosas della; y tambien hay cosas
agenas y que estan a mi cargo dar cuenta dellas si Dios fuere servido
darme libertad algun dia. Suplico a V. md. por amor de Dios sea
servido de enviar a mandar al maestro Francisco Sancho, o a Francisco
de Almansa, el familiar que vino conmigo, que la cierre y tome todas
las llaves y las guarde. Y este Almansa lo hara muy bien, porque es
hombre de mucha verdad y recaudo. Y suplico a V. md. no lo ponga en
olvido.' Perhaps this recommendation was thought suspiciously warm; at
any rate, the task was entrusted to Pedro de Almansa, Familiar of the
Inquisition at Salamanca.

When taken into custody, Luis de Leon seems to have been in the
company of Fray Alonso Siluente (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p.
188).]

[Footnote 56: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 176. Naturally enough
Luis de Leon lost exact account of time during his imprisonment, and
was not very sure as to when the order for his arrest was issued: 'Y
despues a veinte tres, o veinte cuatro del dicho mes [de marzo
pasado], el dicho Senor Inquisidor [Diego Gonzalez] me mando
prender,...' (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 185).]

[Footnote 57: Opinions differ as to whether Luis de Leon was
imprisoned in the original Inquisitionary cells on the site of which
18 and 20 calle del Obispo now stand. Blanco Garcia thought that this
was not the case (_op. cit._, p. 129 _n_). The recurrence of such
phrases as _mando subir de su carcel_ (_Documentos ineditos_, vol.
XI, pp. 22, 36, 129, 196) perhaps indicates that Luis de Leon's cell
was underground.]

[Footnote 58: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 179. 'Y suplico a sus
mercedes sean servidos dar licencia para que se le diga al dicho padre
prior [Fray Gabriel Pinelo] que avise a Ana de Espinosa, monja en el
monasterio de Madrigal, que envie una caja de unos polvos que ella
solia hacer y enviarme para mis melancolias y pasiones de corazon, que
ella sola los sabe hacer, y nunca tuve dellos mas necesidad que agora;
y sobre todo que me encomiende a Dios sin cansarse.']

[Footnote 59: The tone of his request shows that he anticipated a
refusal on the ground that he might wilfully injure himself with a
knife: 'Tambien si sus mercedes fuesen servidos, torno a suplicar se
me de un cuchillo para cortar lo que como; que por la misericordia de
Dios, seguramente se me puede dar; que jamas desee la vida y las
fuerzas tanto como agora, para pasar hasta el fin con esta merced que
Dios me ha hecho por la cual yo le alabo y bendigo' (_Documentos
ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 179-180).]

[Footnote 60: The concession of the Inquisitors reads thus: 'Que se le
de esto que pide; y atento que es hombre enfermo y delicado, dijeron
que mandaban y mandaron que el alcaide le de un cuchillo sin punta. Lo
cual se mando al alcaide luego en su presencia' (_Documentos
ineditos_, vol. X, p. 180).]

[Footnote 61: It figures as the sixth charge in the speech of the
prosecuting counsel, Diego de Haedo (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p.
208). Even at this early stage, Haedo is found suggesting that the
prisoner should be tortured till he tells the whole truth: 'pido sea
puesto a quistion de tormento hasta que enteramente diga verdad etc.'
(_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 209).]

[Footnote 62: The date of the translation is stated on the authority
of Luis de Leon himself (_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 98).]

[Footnote 63: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, p. 271; see also
_Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 214-215.]

[Footnote 64: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-101.]

[Footnote 65: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 6.]

[Footnote 66: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-99.]

[Footnote 67: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 489.]

[Footnote 68: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. XI, pp. 353, 355.]

[Footnote 69: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 505-509.]

[Footnote 70: The exordium, the translation of the first chapter of
the _Song of Solomon_ and the commentary on this first chapter are
printed in _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, pp. 449-467.]

[Footnote 71: _Documentos ineditos_, vol. X, p. 99: '...pero no
obstante esto a algunos amigos mios, y a otros, les ha parecido tener
inconveniente por andar en lengua vulgar; y a mi, por la misma razon,
me ha pesado que ande, y si lo pudiera estorbar, lo hubiera estorbado.
Y para remedio dello, el ano pasado comence a ponello en latin, para
siendo examinado y aprobado, imprimillo, dando por cosa agena y no mia
todo lo que anduviese en vulgar y escrito de mano. Y por la falta de
salud que he tenido como es notorio, no lo he podido acabar. Y asi
digo que estoy presto a hacer esta o otra cualquier diligencia que por
V.m. me fuere mandada, y que me pesa de cualquier culpa que haya
cometido, o en componer en vulgar el dicho libro, o en haber dado
ocasion directa o indirectamente a que se divulgase. Y estoy aparejado
a hacer en ello la enmienda que por V.m. me fuere impuesta: y digo que
subjecto humilde y verdaderamente a V.m. y a este Sancto Oficio y
tribunal, ansi este dicho libro, como cualquier otra obra y doctrina
que o por escrito o por palabra, leyendo o disputando, o en otra
cualquier manera haya afirmado o ensenado, para en todo ser enmendado
y corregido.]

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