Book: American Lutheranism Vindicated; or, Examination of the Lutheran Symbols, on Certain Disputed Topics

S >> Samuel Simon Schmucker >> American Lutheranism Vindicated; or, Examination of the Lutheran Symbols, on Certain Disputed Topics




Note 1. Colton's Genius of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the
United States, &c., p. 151.

Note 2. Vol. ii., p. 498.

Note 3. Luther was a faithful papist until he was upwards of _thirty
years_ did, when he began to protest against the errors of Rome.


CHAPTER III.
DISADVANTAGES UNDER WHICH THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION WAS PREPARED.

In forming an idea of the estimate which should be placed on the
Augsburg Confession, as an expression of the results attained by the
biblical studies of Luther, Melancthon and their associates, at the
date of the diet in 1530; much depends on the question, whether the
circumstances under which it was prepared, and the design for which it
was intended, were favorable to a free and full exhibition of their
views. The affirmative of this question has often been declared in this
country; but the contrary is incontestably established by authentic
history, as well as by the declarations of the Reformers themselves.
The diet, it will be remembered, was appointed by the Emperor of
Germany, Charles V., for the purpose of settling the controversies
between the Pope and the Protestant princes of his empire, as well as
for other political purposes. The place selected was the City of
_Augsburg_, in Bavaria, about two hundred English miles from
Wittenberg, and about ninety miles from Coburg, where Luther was left
by the Elector during the diet. [Note 1] The Pope had long been urging
the emperor to adopt violent measures for the suppression of the
Protestants. He fondly anticipated that a deathblow would now be given
to the Protestant cause, and with which party the emperor would side
was not fully known, although, being a Romanist, little favor could be
expected by the Confessors. The Confession was composed by Melancthon
out of the Torgau Articles, at Augsburg, where he and the Elector John,
with his retinue, arrived on the 2d of May. On the 10th of May, it was
sent to Luther, at Coburg, for his revision, and he returned it with
his approbation on the 16th, remarking, "I have read Philip's Apology
(the Confession,) and am very well (_fast_ wohl, an obsolete meaning of
the term "fast,") pleased with it. I know nothing to improve or alter
at it; nor would it be suitable, as I cannot tread so softly and
lightly." [Note 2] As the emperor did not arrive until about a month
later, Melancthon continued to make various alterations, to render the
Confession more acceptable to the Romanists; for the fears of the
Protestants were greatly excited, as will appear by the following
extracts from Melancthon's own letters, penned at this eventful period.

In a letter to _Luther_, dated Augsburg, June 15th, Melancthon says,
"On the day before Corpus Christi festival, at 8 o'clock, P. M., the
emperor arrived at Augsburg. From the imperial court, it appears, we
have nothing to expect; for the sole object which _Campegius_ seeks to
accomplish, is that we should be suppressed _by force_. Nor is there
any one in the emperor's entire court, who is milder than he himself."
[Note 3] This was indeed a gloomy prospect, for they were entirely at
the mercy of their emperor. He could reenact the scenes of the previous
century, and send them, like Huss and Jerome, to the dungeon and the
stake.

On the 26th of June, the day after the public presentation of the
Confession, he again addresses _Luther:_ "We live here in the _most
lamentable anxiety and incessant tears_. To this a new source of
consternation has been added today, after we had read the letter of
_Vitus_ (Dietrich, Luther's friend,) in which he states that you are so
much offended at us, that you are unwilling even to read our letters.
My father, I will not increase my sufferings by words, but I merely beg
you to consider, where and _in what danger we are_, where we can have
nothing to tranquilize us except your consolations. Streams of sophists
and monks collect here daily, to inflame the hatred of the emperor
against us. But the friends, if we could formerly number them amongst
our (party,) are no longer with us. Alone and despised, we are here
_contending against endless dangers_. Our Vindication (the Confession)
has been presented to the emperor, and I herewith send it to you for
perusal. (If it had not been altered after Luther had seen and approved
it, it would have been superfluous to send him another copy.) In my
judgment, it is strong enough; for you will here perceive the monks
depicted sufficiently. Now, it appears to me, that before our enemies
reply, we must determine, _what we will yield to them_ in reference to
the 'eucharist in both kinds,' what touching matrimony (_celibacy_ of
priests,) and what in regard to 'CLOSET MASSES.' In [sic] appears
they are determined in no case to yield the last two." [Note 4]

In a letter to _Camerarius_, [Note 5] he thus describes his condition:
"My spirit is _filled with lamentable anxiety_, not for the sake of our
cause, but on account of the indifference of our associates. Be not
concerned about me, for I commit myself to God. But _something
remarkable disturbs us_, which I can only tell you personally." [Note 6]

To _Luther_, he writers [sic] on the 27th of June, "I cannot
describe how deeply I was distressed, on reading in the letter of
_Vitus_, (or Dietrich, a favorite of Luther, who remained with him at
Coburg, as his associate,) that you are irreconciliably [sic] offended,
because I do not write with sufficient frequency." "The condition of our
affairs here is still such, that we spend the _greater part of our time
in tears_. We have written very often, as we can prove." From this and
other passages in Melancthon's letters, as well as from his complaints,
that he could not induce [Note 7] the _Protestant princes_ to send
messengers regularly to Luther, Niemeyer regards it as evident, that
Luther's displeasure arose in part from the fact, that the princes felt
disposed, at this important juncture, to act without either his
knowledge, counsel, or co-operation, probably under the impression,
that, they could more easily effect a reconciliation, if the intrepid,
firm and hated Luther were kept out of view.

But to proceed with Melancthon's letter. "Our Confession (he says,) has
been presented to the emperor, and I have sent you a copy. I entreated
you (in my former letter) to inform me, how far we might _yield to our
opponents_, if it is practicable. It is true, as you know, we have
already consulted on these subjects; but they are always adjusted in a
different manner on the field of battle (sie geben sich im Schlachtfeld
allezeit anders,) from what they are when previously made the subjects
of discussion. I presume the greatest conflict will occur in regard to
_private masses_. But as yet I have no certain information." [Note 8]

In another letter to Luther, dated Aug. 6, he says: "The Landgrave
proceeds with great moderation, and has openly told me, that in order
to preserve peace, _he would submit to still more severe conditions_,
provided they could be accepted without bringing reproach on the
gospel."

During the pendency of these negotiations, Melancthon made repeated
efforts by letter to conciliate influential individuals of the papal
party. Among these is his letter to _Cardinal Campegius, the apostolic
legate, of July 6th, which reflects no little light on the state of his
mind. This intense anxiety to gain the imperial favor for the
Protestant cause, could not fail strongly to tempt him to make the
Confession as palatable as possible to the Romanists, by yielding
nearly everything that he did not regard as essential. Hear the letter:

"_Most Reverend Sir:_--As many good men applaud the very great
moderation exhibited by your Eminence, amid your honors and elevation,
I am induced to cherish the hope, that your Eminence will receive my
letter with favor. Verily it was a true saying which Plato uttered,
that nothing more desirable, or better, or more divine, can happen to
men, than when wisdom is associated with power in government. Hence,
when the intelligence arrived, that your Eminence was sent to this Diet,
as judge in the pending religious controversy, many good men
congratulated Germany, that the investigation of these most important
affairs was confided to a man, who transcended others not merely by his
high (official) dignity, but also much more by his wisdom; for even
heretofore the fame of your Eminence's wisdom him resounded through all
Germany. Now, as I believed, that with this wisdom your Eminence would
greatly abhor violent measures, I was thereby induced to write to your
Eminence, that it might be made known to you, that we also long only
for peace and concord, and reject no condition for the restoration of
peace."

"We have _no doctrine different from that of the Romish Church_, (wir
haben keinen von der Roemischen Kirche verschiedenen Lehrsatz,) yea, we
have restrained many who wished to disseminate pernicious doctrines, as
may be proved by public testimonies. [Note 9] _We are prepared to obey
the Romish Church, if, with that mildness which she has always
manifested toward all men, she will only overlook and yield, some
little_, (einiges Wenige,) _which we could not now alter if we would_."
[Note 10] Let not your Eminence believe our enemies, who wickedly
pervert our writings, and falsely impute to us anything which can
inflame the general hatred against us. We reverently _pledge obedience
[Note 11] to the authority of the Roman Pontif_, [sic] and to the entire
organization of the (Verfassung) of the [sic on repetition]
church, only let not the Pope of Rome reject us. Many feel assured,
that if your Eminence were better acquainted with our cause and views,
you would not approve of these violent counsels. For no other reason do
we incur greater hostility in Germany, than because we defend the
doctrines of the Romish [Note 12] Church with the utmost steadfastness.
This fidelity, if the Lord will, we will show to the Romish Church
_until our last breath_. There is indeed some _small_ difference in
usages, which seems to be unfavorable to union. But the ecclesiastical
laws themselves declare, that the unity of the church may continue even
amid such diversity of customs." [Note 13]

Is it possible that any impartial man, after reading this letter can
suppose the circumstances of this diet to have been favorable to a free
and full expression of the points of dissent, between the Protestants
and Papists, even at that day? During the entire six weeks that
Melancthon was at Augsburg, before the arrival of the Emperor, his mind
was in this agitated and alarmed condition. According to his own
account he continued daily to make changes in the Confession, _after_
it had been submitted to Luther. No wonder, therefore, that Luther,
responding to Melancthon's inquiry, "what more they could yield to the
Romanists," makes this rather dissatisfied reply, under date June 29:
"_Your Apology_ (the Augsburg Confession, as altered by Melancthon.
after Luther had sanctioned it on the 15th of May, and it had been
presented to tho diet on the 25th of June,) _I have received, and
wonder what you mean, when you desire to know, what and how much, may
be yielded to the papists. As far as I am concerned, TOO MUCH HAS
ALREADY BEEN YIELDED TO THEM IN THE APOLOGY (Confession)." [Note 14]
Here it in evident that the various changes, made by Melancthon between
the 15th of May and 25th of June, led Luther to affirm what American
Lutherans now maintain, that _he had yielded too much to the papists in
the Augsburg Confession_. "I daily altered and recast the greater part
of it, (says Melancthon himself,) and would [Note 15] have altered still
more if our counsellors [sic] had allowed it." And so much greater was
his dissatisfaction at the still more important concessions, [Note 16]
which Melancthon and his associates were willing to make, in their
negotiations after the Confession had been delivered, that, in a letter
of Sept. 20, to _Justus Jonas_, one of the principal Protestant
theologians at the Diet, he gives vent to his feelings in the following
remarkable language: "I almost burst with anger and displeasure, (Ich
boerste schier fuer Zorn und Widerwillen,) and I beg you only to cut
short the matter, cease to negotiate with them (the Papists,) any
longer, and come home. They have the Confession. They have the gospel.
If they are willing to yield to it, then it is well. If they are
unwilling, they may go. If war comes out of it, let it come. We have
entreated and done enough. The Lord has prepared them as victims for the
slaughter, that he may reward them according to their works. But us, his
people, he will deliver, even if we were sitting in the fiery furnace at
Babylon." [Note 17] Thus have we heard abundant evidence from the lips
of Melancthon and Luther themselves, that the circumstances under which
the Augsburg Confession was composed, in eight days, before its
submission for Luther's sanction, and the increasing pressure under
which Melancthon afterwards made numerous changes in it, during five
weeks before its presentation to the Diet, were far from being favorable
to a full and free exhibition of the deliberate views of the Reformers
even at that date, and fully account for some of the remnants of
Romanism still found in that confession, whose import we are now to
examine. The declaration of that elaborate historian _Arnold_, is
therefore only too true; "_Melancthon had prepared the Confession amid
great fear and trembling, and in many things accommodated himself to
the Papists_." (Nun hatte dieselbe Melancthon zuvor in grossen Zittern
und Angsten aufgesetzet, und sich in vielen nach den Papisten
bequemet." [Note 18]

Of similar import is the judgment of _Dr. Hazelius." [sic on
quotation mark] [Note 19] In reference to the article of Baptism, says
he, we have first to remind the reader of the sentiments expressed by
the Confessors, in the preface to this (the Augsburg) Confession,
declaring there, and in various passages of their other writings, that
_it was their object_, not only to couch the sentiments and doctrines
they professed, in language the least offensive to their opponents,
but also to GIVE WAY AS FAR AS CONSCIENCE WOULD PERMIT. This being
premised, we shall endeavor to discover the meaning of the Reformers in
regard to the article of baptism from some of those portions of their
writings, where they had not cause to be so circumspect and careful of
not giving offence to the Roman party, as they had in the delivery of
the Augsburg Confession."

Nor is it at all surprising, that, as Luther's views of the evils of the
mass were so much clearer even at this period, he should, after seven
years more time for study, and in times of peace and security, express
his abhorrence of this Romish error in such strong terms as we meet in
the Smalcald Articles. Indeed, it was this undecided character of the
Augsburg Confession on some points, which led the Elector, who, in other
respects valued it highly, to have this new Confession prepared by
Luther for the Council, which Pope Paul III. [sic] had
convoked, to meet at Mantua, in 1537, for the purpose of settling these
religious disputes. Because, says Koellner, "the Augsburg Confession
had been prepared with the view to give the _least possible offence to
the opponents_. But now, the Evangelical party, being stronger, were not
only able to avow the points of difference more openly; but they were
also determined to do so; and for such negotiations a different form
(from that of the Augsburg Confession) was of course requisite. Finally,
the transactions at Augsburg, during the reciprocal efforts at
reconciliation, and especially through the great mildness and yielding
disposition of Melancthon, had in regard to many doctrines, obliterated
the clear and real point of difference, so that in many of them the
_opponents affirmed, there was no longer any difference at all_."
Koellner's Symbolik, Vol. I., p. 441.

Note 1. The reason why he was left, was because the civil authorities
of Augsburg excepted him in the safe passport, which they sent to the
Elector, under date of April 30. See Koellner, Vol. I., p. 172.

Note 2. "Ich habe M. Philipsen's Apologie ueberlesen, die gefaellt mir
fast wohl, und weisz nichts daran zu bessern, noch zu aendern, wuerde
sich auch nicht schicken: denn ich so sanft und leise nicht treten
kann."

Note 3. We mention here once for that all our extracts from
Melancthon's Letters are translated from _C. Niemeyer's_ work, entitled
_Philip Melancthon_ im Jahre der Augsburgischen Confession, Halle, 1830.

Note 4. Niemeyer, pp. 26, 27.

Note 5. At that time Professor of Greek and Latin Literature in the
Gymnasium of Nurenberg.

Note 6. Niemeyer, p. 28.

Note 7. Niemeyer, p. 78. "Ich kann es bei Hofe nicht erlangen, dasz von
heir [sic] ein bestimmter Bote an Luther geschickt wird."

Note 8. Page 30.

Note 9. Dogma nullum habemus diversum a Romana Ecclesia.

Note 10. Here Niemeyer also gives the Latin: "Parati sumus, obedire
ecclesiae Romanae, modo ut illa pro sua dementia, qua semper ergo omnes
homines usa est, pauca quaedam vel dissimulet, vel relaxet, quae jam ne
quidem, si velimus, mutare queamus.

Note 11. Ad haec Romani Pontificis auctoritatem et universam politiam
ecclesiasticam, reverenter colimus, modo non abjiciat nos Romanus
Pontifex.

Note 12. Here, says Niemeyer, Melancthon probably means the Romish
church as she ought to be, and not as she was.

Note 13. Page 32.

Note 14. Eure Apologia habe ich empfangen, und nimmt mich wunder was
ihr meynet, dasz ihr begehrt zu wissen, was und wie viel man den
paepstlichen soll nachgeben. _Fuer meine person ist ihnen allzuviel
nachgegeben in der Apologia (Confession)_. Luther's Werke, B. XX.,
p. 185, Leipsic Edit.

Note 15. See his letter to Camerarius, dated June 26, 1530. "Ich
veraenderte und gosz das meiste taeglich um, und wuerde noch mehreres
geaedert [sic] haben, wenn es unsere Raethe erlaubt
hatten." Niemeyer, p. 28.

Note 16. Melancthon had agreed to the restoration of the power of the
bishops, and evidently, as seen by his letter to Luther, of June 26,
if Luther had not objected, he would have made some retractions on the
celibacy of the clergy, the communion in both kinds and even the
private and closet masses. The Protestants did admit that the saints
pray for us in heaven, and that commemorative festivals might be kept
to pray God to accept the intercession of these saints; but by no
means that our prayers should be addressed to the saints themselves.
Niemeyer, p. 87.

Note 17. Luther's Works, Vol. XX, p. 196.

Note 18. Gottfried Arnold's Unpartheische Kirchen und Ketzer Historien,
Vol. I., p. 809, edit. 2d of 1740.

Note 19. Doctrine and Discipline of the Synod of South Carolina, pp.
18, 19, published in 1841.


CHAPTER IV.
CUMULATIVE PROOF OF THE TRUTH OF THE SEVERAL POSITIONS OF THE DEFINITE
SYNODICAL PLATFORM.

_The Preamble_.

On the subject of the preamble, we will add a few authorities for one
or two of its positions, which we have heard called in question. On
page 3, we read:--

"Subsequently, Luther and his coadjutors _still further changed_ their
views on some subjects in that Confession, such as the mass." The truth
of this position is demonstrated even by the extract from the Smalcald
Articles, given on p. 22 of the Platform. In the Augsburg Confession,
Melanchon [sic] says (and Luther approved of it): "It, is
_unjustly_ charged against our churches, that they have abolished the
mass. For it is notorious that the _mass is celebrated among us_ with
greater devotion and seriousness than by our opponents." But seven
years later, in the Smalcald Articles, Luther employs this very
different language, which was sanctioned by his coadjutors: "_The mass
in the Papal church, must be the greatest and most terrible
abomination_, since it is directly and strongly opposed to this chief
article (of Justification through faith in Christ,)" &c. Here the
contradiction in words is positive and unqualified. But we must
recollect that the term mass here, as will be fully proved hereafter,
does not signify the Papal mass in full. It is a well-known fact, and
the Confession itself informs us, that the confessors had long before
rejected _private and closet masses_, and also had rejected the idea of
the public mass being a _sacrifice_, or offering of Christ, for the
sins of the living or the dead. But that the word mass cannot be
regarded as merely synonymous with Lord's Supper, or communion, in this
passage, as it frequently is elsewhere, is clear from the context. For
we are told that by proper and diligent instruction "in the design and
proper mode of receiving the holy sacrament," "the people are attracted
to the _communion and to the mass_," (zur communion _und_ mess gezogen
wird;) clearly proving that by mass they here meant something else than
communion, namely, the public mass, divested of its _sacrificial_
nature, and of its design to benefit any others than the communicants
themselves; in short, regarding it, thus modified, as an admissible
_preparation_ for the holy communion. This mass, which the Platform,
_with great moderation_, styles merely "_Ceremonies_" of the mass," p.
21, they confessedly did subsequently also abandon, as they had done
private and closet masses before.

Again, if we may believe Luther himself, they certainly did a afterward
change their ground in regard to the jurisdiction of the Pope and
bishops. Hear his own language in 1533, three years later: "Hitherto we
have always, and especially at the diet of Augsburg, very humbly
offered to the Pope and bishops, that we would not destroy their
ecclesiastical right and power, but that we would gladly be consecrated
and governed by them, and _aid in maintaining their prerogatives and
power_, if they would not force upon us articles too unchristian. But
we have been unable to obtain this; on the contrary, they wish to force
us away from the truth, to adopt their lies and abominations, or wish
us put to death. If now, (as they are such hardened Pharaohs,) their
authority and consecration should fare as their indulgences did, whose
fault will it be?" He then proceeds to denounce the power and
consecration which he had admitted at the time of the Augsburg Diet,
and declares the church's entire independence of Rome for ordination.
[Note 1]

Again, the Preamble asserts, "That the entire Lutheran Church of
Germany has rejected the symbolical books _as a whole_, and also
abandoned some of the doctrines of the Augsburg Confession, among
others the far greater part of them, the doctrine of the _bodily_
presence of the Saviour in the eucharist."

The truth of these positions is well known to those acquainted with
the churches in Germany generally. A few extracts from standard
authorities may be pleasing to those not well informed on this subject.
Says _Koellner_, in 1837: "The theologians of more recent times have,
as a body, departed from the rigid doctrinal system of the symbols, and
let it be particularly noted, not only those who in the opposing parties
are termed rationalists, but also those who, in antithesis to these,
desire to be regarded as _champions for the doctrines of the church._
Accordingly, not only those who have been sufficiently denounced as
heterodox, have abandoned the doctrines of the symbols, but also the
so-called _orthodox_, such as _Doederlein, Morus, Michaelis_, the
venerable _Reinhard, Knapp, Storr, Schott, Schwartz, Augusti,
Marheinecke_, as well as _Hahn, Oltshausen, Tholuk_, and _Hengstenberg_.
In like manner has the public _pledge to the symbols_ been greatly
relaxed, and is _nowhere unconditional_; but in fidelity to the
principles of Protestantism, and guarding it, the obligation is always
expressed with the _explicit reservation_ of the supreme authority of
the Scriptures, as is evident from an inspection of the pledges
prescribed in the different Protestant countries." [Note 2] Again: "It
may as well be confessed and openly avowed, for the good of the church,
that, _there are but few theologians who still believe and teach the
doctrines of the symbols_." [Note 3]

Professor _Schultz_, in his work on the Eucharist, [Note 4] in 1831,
says: "If, in the most recent times, individuals have here and there
arisen in the Lutheran Church itself, as defenders of Luther's views
of the Lord's Supper, it must not be overlooked, that even they,
sensibly feeling the difficulty of their undertaking, resort to all
manner of subtle explanations and arbitrary additions, in order to
explain away the objectionable aspects of this view."

Finally, listen to the testimony of _Dr. Hagenbach_, of Basel, one of
the most distinguished orthodox divines of Europe: "_How few Lutherans_,
in this rationalizing period, firmly _adhere to the doctrine of the
bodily presence_ of Christ in the eucharist: and how few Reformed
adhered consistently to the doctrine of unconditional election. If,
therefore, the one, party relinquished the one, and the other party the
other point (or dividing doctrine,) then the union between them was of
course effected in the most natural way possible." [Note 5]

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