Book: History of Friedrich II of Prussia V 21

T >> Thomas Carlyle >> History of Friedrich II of Prussia V 21




It is not true that Friedrich had schemed to send Henri round by
Petersburg. On the contrary, it was the Czarina, on ground of old
acquaintanceship, who invited him, and asked his Brother's leave to
do it. And if Poland got its fate from the circumstance, it was by
accident, and by the fact that Poland's fate was drop-ripe, ready
to fall by a touch.--Before going farther, here is ocular view of
the shrill-minded, serious and ingenious Henri, little conscious of
being so fateful a man:-

PRINCE HENRI IN WHITE DOMINO. "Prince Henri of Prussia," says
Richardson, the useful Eye-witness cited already, "is one of the
most celebrated Generals of the present age. So great are his
military talents, that his Brother, who is not apt to pay
compliments, says of him,--That, in commanding an army, he was
never known to commit a fault. This, however, is but a negative
kind of praise. He [the King] reserves to himself the glory of
superior genius, which, though capable of brilliant achievements,
is yet liable to unwary mistakes: and allows him no other than the
praise of correctness.

"To judge of Prince Henri by his appearance, I should form no high
estimate of his abilities. But the Scythian Ambassadors judged in
the same manner of Alexander the Great. He is under the middle
size; very thin; he walks firmly enough, or rather struts, as if he
wanted to walk firmly; and has little dignity in his air or
gesture. He is dark-complexioned; and he wears his hair, which is
remarkably thick, clubbed, and dressed with a high toupee.
His forehead is high; his eyes large and blue, with a little
squint; and when he smiles, his upper lip is drawn up a little in
the middle. His look expresses sagacity and observation, but
nothing very amiable; and his manner is grave and stiff rather than
affable. He was dressed, when I first saw him, in a light-blue
frock with silver frogs; and wore a red waistcoat and blue
breeches. He is not very popular among the Russians;
and accordingly their wits are disposed to amuse themselves with
his appearance, and particularly with his toupee. They say he
resembles Samson; that all his strength lies in his hair; and that,
conscious of this, and recollecting the fate of the son of Manoah,
he suffers not the nigh approaches of any deceitful Delilah.
They say he is like the Comet, which, about fifteen months ago,
appeared so formidable in the Russian hemisphere; and which,
exhibiting a small watery body, but a most enormous train, dismayed
the Northern and Eastern Potentates with 'fear of change.'

"I saw him a few nights ago [on or about New-year's Day, 1771;
come back to us, from his Tour to Moscow, three weeks before;
and nothing but galas ever since] at a Masquerade in the Palace,
said to be the most magnificent thing of the kind ever seen at the
Russian Court. Fourteen large rooms and galleries were opened for
the accommodation of the masks; and I was informed that there were
present several thousand people. A great part of the company wore
dominos, or capuchin dresses; though, besides these, some fanciful
appearances afforded a good deal of amusement. A very tall Cossack
appeared completely arrayed in the 'hauberk's twisted mail.' He was
indeed very grim and martial. Persons in emblematical dresses,
representing Apollo and the Seasons, addressed the Empress in
speeches suited to their characters. The Empress herself, at the
time I saw her Majesty, wore a Grecian habit; though I was
afterwards told that she varied her dress two or three times during
the masquerade. Prince Henri of Prussia wore a white domino.
Several persons appeared in the dresses of different nations,--
Chinese, Turks, Persians and Armenians. The most humorous and
fantastical figure was a Frenchman, who, with wonderful nimbleness
and dexterity, represented an overgrown but very beautiful Parrot.
He chattered with a great deal of spirit; and his shoulders,
covered with green feathers, performed admirably the part of wings.
He drew the attention of the Empress; a ring was formed; he was
quite happy; fluttered his plumage; made fine speeches in Russ,
French and tolerable English; the ladies were exceedingly diverted;
everybody laughed except Prince Henri, who stood beside the
Empress, and was so grave and so solemn, that he would have
performed his part most admirably in the shape of an owl.
The Parrot observed him; was determined to have revenge; and having
said as many good things as he could to her Majesty, he was hopping
away; but just as he was going out of the circle, seeming to
recollect himself, he stopped, looked over his shoulder at the
formal Prince, and quite in the parrot tone and French accent, he
addressed him most emphatically with 'HENRI! HENRI! HENRI!' and
then, diving into the crowd, disappeared. His Royal Highness was
disconcerted; he was forced to smile in his own defence, and the
company were not a little amused.

"At midnight, a spacious hall, of a circular form, capable of
containing a vast number of people, and illuminated in the most
magnificent manner, was suddenly opened. Twelve tables were placed
in alcoves around the sides of the room, where the Empress, Prince
Henri, and a hundred and fifty of the chief nobility and foreign
ministers sat down to supper. The rest of the company went up, by
stairs on the outside of the room, into the lofty galleries placed
all around on the inside. Such a row of masked visages, many of
them with grotesque features and bushy beards, nodding from the
side of the wall, appeared very ludicrous to those below.
The entertainment was enlivened with a concert of music: and at
different intervals persons in various habits entered the hall, and
exhibited Cossack, Chinese, Polish, Swedish and Tartar dances.
The whole was so gorgeous, and at the same time so fantastic, that
I could not help thinking myself present at some of the magnificent
festivals described in the old-fashioned romantes:--

'The marshal'd feast
Served up in hall with sewers and seneschals.'

The rest of the company, on returning to the rooms adjoining, found
prepared for them also a sumptuous banquet. The masquerade began at
6 in the evening, and continued till 5 next morning.

"Besides the masquerade, and other festivities, in honor of, and to
divert Prince Henri, we had lately a most magnificent show of fire-
works. They were exhibited in a wide apace before the Winter
Palace; and, in truth, 'beggared description.' They displayed, by a
variety of emblematical figures, the reduction of Moldavia,
Wallachia, Bessarabia, and the various conquests and victories
achieved since the commencement of the present War. The various
colors, the bright green and the snowy white, exhibited in these
fire-works, were truly astonishing. For the space of twenty
minutes, a tree, adorned with the loveliest and most verdant
foliage, seemed to be waving as with a gentle breeze. It was
entirely of fire; and during the whole of this stupendous scene, an
arch of fire, by the continued throwing of rockets and fire-balls
in one direction, formed as it were a suitable canopy.

"On this occasion a prodigious multitude of people were assembled;
and the Empress, it was surmised, seemed uneasy. She was afraid, it
was apprehended, lest any accident, like what happened at Paris at
the marriage of the Dauphin, should befall her beloved people.
I hope I have amused you; and ever am"--[W. Richardson,
Anecdotes of the Russian Empire, pp. 325-331:
"Petersburg, 4th January, 1771."]

The masquerades and galas in honor of Prince Henri, from a
grandiose Hostess, who had played with him in childhood, were many;
but it is not with these that we have to do. One day, the Czarina,
talking to him of the Austrian procedures at Zips, said with pique,
"It seems, in Poland you have only to stoop, and pick up what you
like of it. If the Court of Vienna have the notion to dismember
that Kingdom, its neighbors will have right to do as much."
[Rulhiere, iv. 210; Trois Demembremens, i.
142; above all, Henri himself, in OEuvres de Frederic,
xxvi. 345, "Petersburg, 8th January, 1771."] This is
supposed, in all Books, to be the PUNCTUM SALIENS, or first
mention, of the astonishing Partition, which was settled, agreed
upon, within about a year hence, and has made so much noise ever
since. And in effect it was so; the idea rising practically in that
high head was the real beginning. But this was not the first head
it had been in; far from that. Above a year ago, as Friedrich
himself informed us, it had been in Friedrich's own head,--though
at the time it went for absolutely nothing, nobody even bestowing a
sneer on it (as Friedrich intimates), and disappeared through the
Horn-Gate of Dreams.

Friedrich himself appears to have quite forgotten the Count-Lynar
idea; and, on Henri's report from Russia, was totally incredulous;
and even suspected that there might be trickery and danger in this
Russian proposal. Not till Henri's return (FEBRUARY 18th, 1771)
could he entirely believe that the Czarina was serious;--and then,
sure enough, he did, with his whole heart, go into it: the EUREKA
out of all these difficulties, which had so long seemed
insuperable. Prince Henri "had an Interview with the Austrian
Minister next day" (February 19th), who immediately communicated
with his Kaunitz,--and got discouraging response from Kaunitz;
discouraging, or almost negatory; which did not discourage
Friedrich. "A way out," thinks Friedrich: "the one way to save my
Prussia and the world from incalculable conflagration." And entered
on it without loss of a moment. And labored at it with such
continual industry, rapidity and faculty for guiding and pushing,
as all readers have known in him, on dangerous emergencies: at no
moment lifting his hand from it till it was complete.

His difficulties were enormous: what a team to drive; and on such a
road, untrodden before by hoof or wheel! Two Empresses that
cordially hate one another, and that disagree on this very subject.
Kaunitz and his Empress are extremely skittish in the matter, and
as if quite refuse it at first: "Zips will be better," thinks
Kaunitz to himself; "Cannot we have, all to ourselves, a beautiful
little cutting out of Poland in that part; and then perhaps, in
league with the Turk, who has money, beat the Russians home
altogether, and rule Poland in their stead, or 'share it with the
Sultan,' as Reis-Effendi suggests?" And the dismal truth is, though
it was not known for years afterward, Kaunitz does about this time,
in profoundest secret, actually make Treaty of Alliance with the
Turk ("so many million Piastres to us, ready money, year by year,
and you shall, if not by our mediating, then by our fighting, be a
contented Turk"); and all along at the different Russian-Turk
"Peace-Congresses," Kaunitz, while pretending to sit and mediate
along with Prussia, sat on that far other basis, privately
thwarting everything; and span out the Turk pacification in a
wretched manner for years coming. ["Peace of Kainardschi," not till
"21st July, 1774,"--after four or five abortive attempts, two of
them "Congresses," Kaunitz so industrious (Hermann, v. 664 et
antea).] A dangerous, hard-mouthed, high-stalking, ill-given old
coach-horse of a Kaunitz: fancy what the driving of him might be,
on a road he did not like! But he had a driver too, who, in
delicate adroitness, in patience and in sharpness of whip, was
consummate: "You shall know it is your one road, my ill-given
friend!" (I ostentatiously increase my Cavalry by 8,000; meaning,
"A new Seven-Years War, if you force me, and Russia by my side this
time!") So that Kaunitz had to quit his Turk courses (never paid
the Piastres back), and go into what really was the one way out.

But Friedrich's difficulties on this course are not the thing that
can interest readers; and all readers know his faculty for
overcoming difficulties. Readers ask rather: "And had Friedrich no
feeling about Poland itself, then, and this atrocious Partitioning
of the poor Country?" Apparently none whatever;--unless it might
be, that Deliverance from Anarchy, Pestilence, Famine, and Pigs
eating your dead bodies, would be a manifest advantage for Poland,
while it was the one way of saving Europe from War. Nobody seems
more contented in conscience, or radiant with heartfelt
satisfaction, and certainty of thanks from all wise and impartial
men, than the King of Prussia, now and afterwards, in regard to
this Polish atrocity! A psychological fact, which readers can
notice. Scrupulous regard to Polish considerations, magnanimity to
Poland, or the least respect or pity for her as a dying Anarchy,
is what nobody will claim for him; consummate talent in executing
the Partition of Poland (inevitable some day, as he may have
thought, but is nowhere at the pains to say),--great talent, great
patience too, and meritorious self-denial and endurance, in
executing that Partition, and in saving IT from catching fire
instead of being the means to quench fire, no well-informed person
will deny him. Of his difficulties in the operation (which truly
are unspeakable) I will say nothing more; readers are prepared to
believe that he, beyond others, should conquer difficulties when
the object is vital to him. I will mark only the successive dates
of his progress, and have done with this wearisome subject:--

June 14th, 1771. Within four months of the arrival of Prince Henri
and that first certainty from Russia, diligent Friedrich, upon whom
the whole burden had been laid of drawing up a Plan, and bringing
Austria to consent, is able to report to Petersburg, That Austria
has dubieties, reluctances, which it is to be foreseen she will
gradually get over; and that here meanwhile (June 14th, 1771) is my
Plan of Partition,--the simplest conceivable: "That each choose
(subject to future adjustments) what will best suit him; I, for my
own part, will say, West-Preussen;--what Province will Czarish
Majesty please to say?" Czarish Majesty, in answer, is exorbitantly
liberal to herself; claims, not a Province, but four or five;
will have Friedrich, if the Austrians attack her in consequence, to
assist by declaring War on Austria; Czarish Majesty, in the
reciprocal case, not to assist Friedrich at all, till her Turk War
is done! "Impossible," thinks Friedrich; "surprisingly so, high
Madam! But, to the delicate bridle-hand, you are a
manageable entity."

It was with Kaunitz that Friedrich's real difficulties lay.
Privately, in the course of this Summer, Kaunitz, by way of
preparation for "mediating a Turk-Russian Peace," had concluded his
"subsidy Treaty" with the Turk, ["6th July, 1771" (Preuss, iv. 31;
Hermann; &c. &c.).]--Treaty never ratified, but the Piastres duly
paid;--Treaty rendering Peace impossible, so long as Kaunitz had to
do with mediating it. And indeed Kaunitz's tricks in that function
of mediator, and also after it, were of the kind which Friedrich
has some reason to call "infamous." "Your Majesty, as co-mediator,
will join us, should the Russians make War?" said Kaunitz's
Ambassador, one day, to Friedrich. "For certain, no!" answered
Friedrich; and, on the contrary, remounted his Cavalry, to signify,
"I will fight the other way, if needed!" which did at once bring
Kaunitz to give up his mysterious Turk projects, and come into the
Polish. After which, his exorbitant greed of territory there;
his attempts to get Russia into a partitioning of Turkey as well,--
("A slice of Turkey too, your Czarish Majesty and we?" hints he
more than once),--gave Friedrich no end of trouble; and are
singular to look at by the light there now is. Not for about a
twelvemonth did Friedrich get his hard-mouthed Kaunitz brought into
step at all; and to the last, perpetual vigilance and, by whip and
bit, the adroitest charioteering was needed on him.

FEBRUARY 17th, 1772, Russia and Prussia, for their own part,--
Friedrich, in the circumstances, submitting to many things from his
Czarina,--get their particular "Convention" (Bargain in regard to
Poland) completed in all parts, "will take possession 4th June
instant:" sign said Convention (February 17th);--and invite Austria
to join, and state her claims. Which, in three weeks after, MARCH
4th, Austria does;--exorbitant abundantly; and NOT to be got very
much reduced, though we try, for a series of months.
Till at last:--

AUGUST 5th, 1772, Final Agreement between the Three Partitioning
Powers: "These are our respective shares; we take possession on the
1st OF SEPTEMBER instant:"--and actual possession for Friedrich's
share did, on the 13th of that month, ensue. A right glad
Friedrich, as everybody, friend or enemy, may imagine him! Glad to
have done with such a business,--had there been no other profit in
it; which was far from being the case. One's clear belief, on
studying these Books, is of two things: FIRST, that, as everybody
admits, Friedrich had no real hand in starting the notion of
Partitioning Poland;--but that he grasped at it with eagerness, as
the one way of saving Europe from War: SECOND, what has been much
less noticed, that, under any other hand, it would have led Europe
to War;--and that to Friedrich is due the fact, that it got
effected without such accompaniment. Friedrich's share of Territory
is counted to be in all 9,465 English square miles;
Austria's, 62,500; Russia's, 87,500, [Preuss, iv. 45.] between nine
and ten times the amount of Friedrich's,--which latter, however, as
an anciently Teutonic Country, and as filling up the always
dangerous gap between his Ost-Preussen and him, has, under Prussian
administration, proved much the most valuable of the Three;
and, next to Silesia, is Friedrich's most important acquisition.
SEPTEMBER 13th, 1772, it was at last entered upon,--through such
waste-weltering confusions, and on terms never yet unquestionable.

Consent of Polish Diet was not had for a year more; but that is
worth little record. Diet, for that object, got together 19th
APRIL, 1773; recalcitrant enough, had not Russia understood the
methods: "a common fund was raised [ON SE COTISA, says Friedrich]
for bribing;" the Three Powers had each a representative General in
Warsaw (Lentulus the Prussian personage), all three with forces to
rear: Diet came down by degrees, and, in the course of five months
(SEPTEMBER 18th, 1773), acquiesced in everything.

And so the matter is ended; and various men will long have various
opinions upon it. I add only this one small Document from Maria
Theresa's hand, which all hearts, and I suppose even Friedrich's
had he ever read it, will pronounce to be very beautiful;
homely, faithful, wholesome, well-becoming in a high and true
Sovereign Woman.


THE EMPRESS-QUEEN TO PRINCE KAUNITZ (Undated: date must
be Vienna, February, 1772).

"When all my lands were invaded, and I knew not where in the world
I should find a place to be brought to bed in, I relied on my good
right and the help of God. But in this thing, where not only public
law cries to Heaven against us, but also all natural justice and
sound reason, I must confess never in my life to have been in such
trouble, and am ashamed to show my face. Let the Prince [Kaunitz]
consider what an example we are giving to all the world, if, for a
miserable piece of Poland, or of Moldavia or Wallachia, we throw
our honor and reputation to the winds. I see well that I am alone,
and no more in vigor; therefore I must, though to my very great
sorrow, let things take their course." [ "Als alle meine
lander angefochten wurden und gar nit mehr wusste wo ruhig
niederkommen sollte, steiffete ich mich auf mein gutes Recht und
den Beystand Gottes. Aber in dieser Sach, wo nit allein das
offenbare Recht himmelschreyent wider Uns, sondern auch alle
Billigkeit und die gesunde Vernunft wider Uns ist, muess bekhennen
dass zeitlebens nit so beangstigt mich befunten und mich sehen zu
lassen schame. Bedenkh der Furst, was wir aller Welt fur ein
Exempel geben, wenn wir um ein ellendes stuk von Pohlen oder von
der Moldau und Wallachey unser ehr und REPUTATION in die schanz
schlagen. Ich merkh wohl dass ich allein bin und nit mehr EN
VIGEUR, darum lasse ich die sachen, jedoch nit ohne meinen grossten
Gram, ihren Weg gehen." (From "Hormayr,
Taschenbuch, 1831, s. 66:" cited in PREUSS, iv. 38.)]

And, some days afterwards, here is her Majesty's Official Assent:
"PLACET, since so many great and learned men will have it so:
but long after I am dead, it will be known what this violating of
all that was hitherto held sacred and just will give rise to."
[From "Zietgenossen [a Biographical
Periodical], lxxi. 29:" cited in PREUSS, iv. 39.]
(Hear her Majesty!)

Friedrich has none of these compunctious visitings; but his account
too, when he does happen to speak on the subject, is worth hearing,
and credible every word. Writing to Voltaire, a good while after
(POTSDAM, 9th OCTOBER, 1773)) this, in the swift-flowing,
miscellaneous Letter, is one passage: ... "To return to your King
of Poland. I am aware that Europe pretty generally believes the
late Partition made (QU'ON A FAIT) of Poland to be a result of the
Political trickeries (MANIGANCES) which are attributed to me;
nevertheless, nothing is more untrue. After in vain proposing
different arrangements and expedients, there was no alternative
left but either that same Partition, or else Europe kindled into a
general War. Appearances are deceitful; and the Public judges only
by these. What I tell you is as true as the Forty-seventh of
Euclid." [OEuvres de Frederic, xxiii. 257.]


WHAT FRIEDRICH DID WITH HIS NEW ACQUISITION.

Considerable obloquy still rests on Friedrich, in many liberal
circles, for the Partition of Poland. Two things, however, seem by
this time tolerably clear, though not yet known in liberal circles:
first, that the Partition of Poland was an event inevitable in
Polish History; an operation of Almighty Providence and of the
Eternal Laws of Nature, as well as of the poor earthly Sovereigns
concerned there; and secondly, that Friedrich had nothing special
to do with it, and, in the way of originating or causing it,
nothing whatever.

It is certain the demands of Eternal Justice must be fulfilled:
in earthly instruments, concerned with fulfilling them, there may
be all degrees of demerit and also of merit,--from that of a world-
ruffian Attila the Scourge of God, conscious of his own ferocities
and cupidities alone, to that of a heroic Cromwell, sacredly aware
that he is, at his soul's peril, doing God's Judgments on the
enemies of God, in Tredah and other severe scenes. If the Laws and
Judgments are verily those of God, there can be no clearer merit
than that of pushing them forward, regardless of the barkings of
Gazetteers and wayside dogs, and getting them, at the earliest term
possible, made valid among recalcitrant mortals! Friedrich, in
regard to Poland, I cannot find to have had anything considerable
either of merit or of demerit, in the moral point of view; but
simply to have accepted, and put in his pocket without criticism,
what Providence sent. He himself evidently views it in that light;
and is at no pains to conceal his great sense of the value of West-
Preussen to him. We praised his Narrative as eminently true, and
the only one completely intelligible in every point: in his Preface
to it, written some years later, he is still more candid.
Speaking there in the first person, this once and never before or
after,--he says:--

"These new pretensions [of the Czarina, to assuage the religious
putrid-fever of the Poles by word of command] raised all Poland
[into Confederation of Bar, and WAR OF THE CONFEDERATES, sung by
Friedrich]; the Grandees of the Kingdom implored the assistance of
the Turks: straightway War flamed out; in which the Russian Armies
had only to show themselves to beat the Turks in every rencounter."
His Majesty continues: "This War changed the whole Political System
of Europe [general Diplomatic Dance of Europe, suddenly brought to
a whirl by such changes of the music]; a new arena (CARRIERE) came
to open itself,--and one must have been either without address, or
else buried in stupid somnolence (ENGOURDISSEMENT), not to profit
by an opportunity so advantageous. I had read Bojardo's fine
Allegory: [Signifies only, "seize opportunity;" but here is the
passage itself:--

"Quante volte le disse: 'O bella dama,
Conosci l'ora de la tua ventura,
Dapoi che un tal Baron piu the che se t'ama,
Che non ha il Ciel piu vaga creatura.
Forse anco avrai di questo tempo brama,
Che'l felice destin sempre non dura;
Prendi diletto, mentre sei su 'l verde,
Che l'avuto piacer mai non si perde.
Questa eta giovenil, ch' e si gioiosa,
Tutta in diletto consumar si deve,
Perche quasi in un punto ci e nas cosa:
Como dissolve 'l sol la bianca neve,
Como in un giorno la vermiglia rosa
Perde il vago color in tempo breve,
Cosi fugge l' eta com' un baleno,
E non si puo tener, che non ha freno.'"
(Bojardo, Orlando Innamorato, lib. i.
cant. 2.)] I seized by the forelock this unexpected opportunity;
and, by dint of negotiating and intriguing [candid King] I
succeeded in indemnifying our Monarchy for its past losses, by
incorporating Polish Prussia with my Old Provinces."
[ OEuvres de Frederic, (Preface to MEMOIRS
DEPUIS 1763 JUSQU'A 1774), vi. 6, 7: "MEMOIRES [Chapter FIRST,
including all the Polish part] were finished in 1775; Preface is
of 1779."]

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